The Life of George Washington, Vol. 1 (of 5)
J >> John Marshall >> The Life of George Washington, Vol. 1 (of 5)Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30
[Illustration: General Braddock's Grave
_Showing the monument recently erected_
_It is not generally appreciated that this British commander was
chosen to head the expedition to destroy the French power in America,
in 1754-5, because of his distinguished army record. In the Battle of
Fontency, for instance, he was colonel in command of the famous
Coldstream Guards, who covered themselves with glory; and shortly
before embarking for America he was made major-general of the line.
Braddock had won his promotion solely through gallantry and at a time
when a lieutenant-colonelcy in this crack British regiment sold for
L5000 Sterling._
_Despite his fatal mistake in not heeding the advice of his aide,
Washington, in conducting his expedition against Fort Duquesne
(Pittsburgh), Braddock regarded Washington and Franklin as the
greatest men in the colonies. Meeting the French and Indians on July
9, 1755, the British were routed and Braddock was fatally wounded,
after having four horses shot under him. Dying four days later at
Great Meadows, where he is buried, he bequeathed his favorite
surviving horse and body servant to Washington, then a colonel._]
The system adopted by the British cabinet, for conducting the war in
America, left to the colonial governments to determine, what number of
men each should bring into the field; but required them to support
their own troops, and to contribute to the support of those sent from
Great Britain to their assistance. But this system could not be
enforced. The requisitions of the minister were adopted, rejected, or
modified, at the discretion of the government on which they were made;
and, as no rule of apportionment had been adopted, each colony was
inclined to consider itself as having contributed more than its equal
share towards the general object, and as having received, less than
its just proportion, of the attention and protection of the mother
country. This temper produced a slow and reluctant compliance on the
part of some, which enfeebled and disconcerted enterprises, for the
execution of which the resources of several were to be combined.
[Sidenote: Distress of the frontiers.]
In the mean time the whole frontier, as far as North Carolina, was
exposed to the depredations of the savages, who were, almost
universally, under the influence of the French. Their bloody
incursions were made in all directions, and many settlements were
entirely broken up.
It is a curious and singular fact that, while hostilities were thus
carried on by France and England against each other in America, the
relations of peace and amity were preserved between them in Europe.
Each nation had, in consequence of the military operations in 1754,
determined to fit out a considerable armament to aid the efforts made
in its colonies; and, when it was understood that admiral Boscawen was
ordered to intercept that of France, the Duc de Mirepoix, the French
ambassador at London, complained of the proposed measure, and gave
formal notice that the King his master would consider the first gun
fired at sea, as a declaration of war. On receiving intelligence of
the capture of a part of the squadron by Boscawen, the French minister
at the court of St. James was recalled without asking an audience of
leave; upon which, letters of marque and reprisal were issued by the
British government. This prompt and vigorous measure had much
influence on the war, which was declared, in form, the following
spring.
General Shirley, on his return to Albany after the close of the
campaign in 1755, received a commission appointing him commander in
chief of the King's forces in North America. A meeting of all the
governors was immediately called at New York, for the purpose of
concerting a plan for the ensuing campaign. Operations equally
extensive with those proposed for the preceding campaign were again
contemplated. To ensure their success, it was determined to raise ten
thousand men, for the expedition against Crown Point; six thousand,
for that against Niagara; and three thousand, for that against fort Du
Quesne. To favour the operations of this formidable force, it was
farther determined that two thousand men should advance up the
Kennebec, destroy the settlement on the Chaudiere, and, descending to
the mouth of that river, keep all that part of Canada in alarm.
In the mean time, it was proposed to take advantage of the season when
the lake should be frozen, to seize Ticonderoga, in order to
facilitate the enterprise against Crown Point. This project was
defeated by the unusual mildness of the winter; and, about the middle
of January, general Shirley repaired to Boston in order to make the
necessary preparations for the ensuing campaign.
Such was the solicitude to accomplish the objects in contemplation,
and so deep an interest did the colonists take in the war, that every
nerve was strained, to raise and equip the number of men required.
{1756}
[Sidenote: Command bestowed on Lord Loudoun.]
Having made in Massachusetts all the preparations for the next
campaign, so far as depended on the government, Shirley repaired to
Albany, where he was superseded[153] by major general Abercrombie;
who, soon afterwards, yielded the command to the earl of Loudoun.
Early in the year, that nobleman had been appointed to the command of
all his majesty's forces in North America; and extensive powers, civil
as well as military, had been conferred on him. But he did not arrive
at Albany until midsummer.
[Footnote 153: He was also recalled from his government.]
In the spring, the provincial troops destined for the expedition
against Crown Point, were assembled in the neighbourhood of lake
George. They were found not much to exceed seven thousand men; and
even this number was to be reduced in order to garrison posts in the
rear. This army being too weak to accomplish its object, major general
Winslow, who commanded it, declared himself unable to proceed on the
expedition without reinforcements. The arrival of a body of British
troops, with general Abercrombie, removed this difficulty; but another
occurred which still farther suspended the enterprise.
The regulations respecting rank had given great disgust in America;
and had rendered it disagreeable and difficult to carry on any
military operations which required a junction of British and
provincial troops. When consulted on this delicate subject, Winslow
assured general Abercrombie of his apprehensions that, if the result
of the junction should be to place the provincial troops under British
officers, it would produce general discontent, and perhaps desertion.
His officers concurred in this opinion; and it was finally agreed that
British troops should succeed the provincials in the posts then
occupied by them, so as to enable the whole colonial force to proceed
under Winslow, against Crown Point.
On the arrival of the earl of Loudoun, this subject was revived. The
question was seriously propounded, "whether the troops in the several
colonies of New England, armed with his majesty's arms, would, in
obedience to his commands signified to them, act in conjunction with
his European troops; and under the command of his commander in chief?"
The colonial officers answered this question in the affirmative; but
entreated it as a favour of his lordship, as the New England troops
had been raised on particular terms, that he would permit them, so far
as might consist with his majesty's service, to act separately. This
request was acceded to; but before the army could be put in motion,
the attention both of the Europeans and provincials, was directed to
their own defence.
[Sidenote: Montcalm takes Oswego.]
Monsieur de Montcalm, an able officer, who succeeded Dieskau in the
command of the French troops in Canada, sought to compensate by
superior activity, for the inferiority of his force. While the British
and Americans were adjusting their difficulties respecting rank, and
deliberating whether to attack Niagara or fort Du Quesne, Montcalm
advanced at the head of about five thousand Europeans, Canadians, and
Indians, against Oswego. In three days he brought up his artillery,
and opened a battery which played on the fort with considerable
effect. Colonel Mercer, the commanding officer, was killed; and, in a
few hours, the place was declared by the engineers to be no longer
tenable. The garrison, consisting of the regiments of Shirley and
Pepperel, amounting to sixteen hundred men, supplied with provisions
for five months, capitulated, and became prisoners of war. A
respectable naval armament, then on the lake, was also captured.
The fort at Oswego had been erected in the country of the Five
Nations, and had been viewed by them with some degree of jealousy.
Montcalm, actuated by a wise policy, destroyed it in their presence;
declaring at the same time, that the French wished only to enable them
to preserve their neutrality, and would, therefore, make no other use
of the rights of conquest, than to demolish the fortresses which the
English had erected in their country to overawe them.
The British general, disconcerted at this untoward event, abandoned
all his plans of offensive operations. General Winslow was ordered to
relinquish his intended expedition, and to fortify his camp, and
endeavour to prevent the enemy from penetrating into the country by
the way of South bay, or Wood creek. Major general Webb, with fourteen
hundred men, was posted at the great carrying place; and, to secure
his rear, sir William Johnson, with one thousand militia, was
stationed at the German flats.
These dispositions being made, the colonies were strenuously urged to
reinforce the army. It was represented to them that, should any
disaster befall Winslow, the enemy might be enabled to overrun the
country, unless opposed by a force much superior to that in the
field.[154]
[Footnote 154: The northern colonies had been enabled to
attend to these representations, and, in some degree to
comply with the requisitions made on them, by having
received from the British government, in the course of the
summer, a considerable sum of money as a reimbursement for
the extraordinary expenses of the preceding year. One
hundred and fifteen thousand pounds sterling had been
apportioned among them, and this sum gave new vigour and
energy to their councils.]
[Sidenote: Small-pox in Albany.]
During this state of apprehensive inactivity, the small-pox broke out
in Albany. This enemy was more dreaded by the provincials than
Montcalm himself. So great was the alarm, that it was found necessary
to garrison the posts in that quarter, entirely with British troops,
and to discharge all the provincials except a regiment raised in New
York.
Thus terminated for a second time, in defeat and utter disappointment,
the sanguine hopes which the colonists had formed of a brilliant and
successful campaign. After all their expensive and laborious
preparations, not an effort had been made to drive the invaders of the
country even from their out-post at Ticonderoga.
The expedition to lake Ontario had not been commenced; and no
preparations had been made for that against fort Du Quesne. The
colonies of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, far from
contemplating offensive operations, had been unable to defend
themselves; and their frontiers were exposed to all the horrors of
Indian warfare.
The expedition up the Kennebec was also abandoned. Thus, no one
enterprise contemplated at the opening of the campaign, was carried
into execution.[155]
[Footnote 155: Minot. Belknap. Entic.]
{1757}
About the middle of January, the governors of the northern provinces
were convened in a military council at Boston. The earl of Loudoun
opened his propositions to them with a speech in which he attributed
all the disasters that had been sustained, to the colonies; and in
which he proposed that New England should raise four thousand men for
the ensuing campaign. Requisitions proportionably large were also made
on New York and New Jersey.
[Sidenote: Campaign of 1757.]
The ill success which had, thus far, attended the combined arms of
Great Britain and her colonies, did not discourage them. Their
exertions to bring a powerful force into the field were repeated; and
the winter was employed in preparations for the ensuing campaign. The
requisitions of lord Loudoun were complied with; and he found himself,
in the spring, at the head of a respectable army. Some important
enterprise against Canada, when the armament expected from Europe
should arrive, was eagerly anticipated; and the most sanguine hopes of
success were again entertained.
[Sidenote: Admiral Holbourne arrives.]
[Sidenote: Is joined by Lord Loudoun.]
In the beginning of July, Admiral Holbourne reached Halifax with a
powerful squadron, and reinforcement of five thousand British troops
commanded by George Viscount Howe, and, on the 6th of the same month,
the earl of Loudoun sailed from New York with six thousand regulars. A
junction of these formidable armaments was effected without
opposition, and the Loudoun colonists looked forward with confidence
for a decisive blow which would shake the power of France in America.
[Sidenote: The expedition against Louisbourg relinquished.]
The plan of this campaign varied from that which had been adopted in
the preceding years. The vast and complex movements heretofore
proposed, were no longer contemplated, and offensive operations were
to be confined to a single object. Leaving the posts on the lakes
strongly garrisoned, the British general determined to direct his
whole disposable force against Louisbourg; and fixed on Halifax as the
place of rendezvous for the fleet and army.
After assembling the land and naval forces at this place, information
was received that a fleet had lately arrived from France, and that
Louisbourg was so powerfully defended as to render any attempt upon it
hopeless. In consequence of this intelligence the enterprise was
deferred until the next year; the general and admiral returned to New
York in August; and the provincials were dismissed.
[Sidenote: Fort William Henry taken.]
The French general, feeling no apprehension for Louisbourg, determined
to avail himself of the absence of a large part of the British force,
and to obtain complete possession of lake George. With an army
collected chiefly from the garrisons of Crown Point, Ticonderoga, and
the adjacent forts; amounting, with the addition of Indians, and
Canadians, to nine thousand men, the marquis de Montcalm laid siege to
fort William Henry. That place was well fortified, and garrisoned by
three thousand men; and derived additional security from an army of
four thousand men at fort Edwards, under the command of major general
Webb. Notwithstanding the strength of the place and its means of
defence, Montcalm urged his approaches with so much vigour, that
articles of capitulation, surrendering the fort, artillery, and
stores, and stipulating that the garrison should not serve against his
Most Christian Majesty or his allies for the space of eighteen months,
were signed within six days after its investment.
When this important place was surrendered, the commander in chief had
not returned from Halifax. General Webb, alarmed for fort Edward,
applied for reinforcements; and the utmost exertions were made to
furnish the aids he required. The return of the army to New York on
the last of August, dispelled all fear of an invasion, and enabled the
general, who contemplated no farther active operations, to dismiss the
provincials.
Unsuccessful in all his attempts to gather laurels from the common
enemy, the earl of Loudoun engaged in a controversy with
Massachusetts; in the commencement of which, he displayed a degree of
vigour which had been kept in reserve for two campaigns. This
controversy is thus stated by Mr. Minot.
Upon information from the governor that a regiment of Highlanders was
expected in Boston, the general court provided barracks for the
accommodation of one thousand men at Castle Island. Soon afterwards,
several officers arrived from Nova Scotia to recruit their regiments.
Finding it impracticable to perform this service while in the barracks
at the castle, they applied to the justices of the peace to quarter
and billet them, as provided by act of parliament. The justices
refused to grant this request, on the principle that the act did not
extend to the colonies. When informed of this refusal, lord Loudoun
addressed a letter to the justices, insisting peremptorily on the
right, as the act did, in his opinion, extend to America, and to every
part of the King's dominions, where the necessities of the people
should oblige him to send his troops. He concluded a long dissertation
on the question in the following decisive terms, "that having used
gentleness and patience, and confuted their arguments, without effect,
they having returned to their first mistaken plan, their not complying
would lay him under the necessity of taking measures to prevent the
whole continent from being thrown into a state of confusion. As
nothing was wanting to set things right, but the justices doing their
duty (for no act of the assembly was necessary or wanting for it) he
had ordered the messenger to remain only forty-eight hours in Boston;
and if on his return he found things not settled, he would instantly
order into Boston the three battalions from New York, Long Island, and
Connecticut; and if more were wanting, he had two in the Jerseys at
hand, besides those in Pennsylvania. As public business obliged him to
take another route, he had no more time left to settle this material
affair, and must take the necessary steps before his departure, in
case they were not done by themselves."
The general court passed a law for the purpose of removing the
inconveniences of which the officers complained; but, this law not
equalling the expectations of lord Loudoun, he communicated his
dissatisfaction in a letter to the governor, which was laid before the
assembly, who answered by an address to his excellency in which the
spirit of their forefathers seemed to revive. They again asserted that
the act of parliament did not extend to the colonies; and that they
had for this reason enlarged the barracks at the castle, and passed a
law for the benefit of recruiting parties, as near the act of
parliament as the circumstances of the country would admit; that such
a law was necessary to give power to the magistrates, and they were
willing to make it, whenever his majesty's troops were necessary for
their defence. They asserted their natural rights as Englishmen; that
by the royal charter, the powers and privileges of civil government
were granted to them; that their enjoyment of these was their support
under all burdens, and would animate them to resist an invading enemy
to the last. If their adherence to their rights and privileges should,
in any measure, lessen the esteem which his lordship had conceived for
them, it would be their great misfortune; but that they would have the
satisfaction of reflecting that, both in their words and actions, they
had been governed by a sense of duty to his majesty, and faithfulness
to the trust committed to them.
This address being forwarded to lord Loudoun, he affected to rely on
their removing all difficulties in future, and not only countermanded
the march of the troops, but condescended to make some conciliatory
observations respecting the zeal of the province in his majesty's
service. For these the two houses made an ample return in a message to
the governor, in which they disavowed any intention of lessening their
dependence on parliament; and expressly acknowledged the authority of
all acts which concerned, and extended to, the colonies.
This explicit avowal of sentiments so different from those which
Massachusetts had long cherished respecting her connexion with the
mother country, would induce a belief that she had recently become
more colonial in her opinions. This was probably the fact; but Mr.
Minot, who may be presumed to have been personally acquainted with the
transaction, does not attribute to that cause entirely, the
conciliating temper manifested at the close of a contest, which had
commenced with such appearances of asperity. Massachusetts had made
large advances for the prosecution of the war, for which she expected
reimbursements from parliament; and was not willing, at such a
juncture, to make impressions unfavorable to the success of her
claims.
CHAPTER XII.
Preparations for the campaign of 1758.... Admiral Boscawen
and general Amherst arrive at Halifax.... Plan of the
campaign.... Expedition against Louisbourg, Ticonderoga, and
Crown Point.... General Abercrombie repulsed under the walls
of Ticonderoga.... Fort Frontignac taken.... Expedition
against fort Du Quesne.... Preparations for the campaign of
1759.... General Amherst succeeds general Abercrombie....
Plan of the campaign.... Ticonderoga and Crown Point
taken.... Army goes into winter quarters.... French repulsed
at Oswego.... Defeated at Niagara.... Niagara taken....
Expedition against Quebec.... Check to the English army....
Battle on the Plains of Abraham.... Death of Wolfe and
Montcalm.... Quebec capitulates.... Garrisoned by the
English under the command of general Murray.... Attempt to
recover Quebec.... Battle near Sillery.... Quebec besieged
by Monsieur Levi.... Siege raised.... Montreal
capitulates.... War with the southern Indians.... Battle
near the town of Etchoe.... Grant defeats them and burns
their towns.... Treaty with the Cherokees.... War with
Spain.... Success of the English.... Peace.
{1758}
The affairs of Great Britain in North America wore a more gloomy
aspect, at the close of the campaign of 1757, than at any former
period. By the acquisition of fort William Henry, the French had
obtained complete possession of the lakes Champlain and George. By the
destruction of Oswego, they had acquired the dominion of those lakes
which connect the St. Lawrence with the waters of the Mississippi, and
unite Canada to Louisiana. By means of fort Du Quesne, they maintained
their ascendency over the Indians, and held undisturbed possession of
the country west of the Allegheny mountains; while the English
settlers were driven to the Blue Ridge. The great object of the war in
that quarter was gained, and France held the country for which
hostilities had been commenced. With inferior numbers, the French had
been victorious in every campaign, and had uniformly gained ground on
the English colonies. Nor were they less successful elsewhere. The
flame of war which was kindled in America, had communicated itself to
Europe and Asia. In every quarter of the world where hostilities had
been carried on, the British arms were attended with defeat and
disgrace.
But this inglorious scene was about to be succeeded by one of
unrivalled brilliancy. From the point of extreme depression to which
their affairs had sunk, the brightest era of British history was to
commence. Far from being broken by misfortune, the spirit of the
nation was high; and more of indignation than dismay was inspired by
the ill success of their arms. The public voice had, at length, made
its way to the throne, and had forced, on the unwilling monarch, a
minister who has been justly deemed one of the greatest men of the age
in which he lived.
Mr. Pitt had been long distinguished in the House of Commons, for the
boldness and the splendour of his eloquence. His parliamentary
talents, and the independent grandeur of his character, had given him
a great ascendency in that body, and had made him the idol of the
nation. In 1756, he had been introduced into the cabinet, but could
not long retain his place. The public affection followed him out of
office; and, the national disasters continuing, it was found
impracticable to conduct the complicated machine of government without
his aid. In the summer of 1757, an administration was formed, which
conciliated the great contending interests in parliament; and Mr. Pitt
was placed at its head. The controlling superiority of his character
gave him the same ascendency in the cabinet which he had obtained in
the house of commons; and he seemed to dictate the measures of the
nation. Only a short time was required to show that qualities, seldom
united in the same person, were combined in him; and his talents for
action seemed to eclipse even those he had displayed in debate. His
plans partaking of the proud elevation of his own mind, and the
exalted opinion he entertained of his countrymen, were always grand;
and the means he employed for their execution, were always adequate to
the object. Possessing the public confidence without limitation, he
commanded all the resources of the nation, and drew liberally from the
public purse; but the money was always faithfully and judiciously
applied to the public service. Too great in his spirit, too lofty in
his views, to become the instrument of faction; when placed at the
head of the nation, he regarded only the interest of the nation; and,
overlooking the country or the party, which had given birth to merit,
he searched for merit only, and employed it wherever it was found.
From the elevation of the house of Brunswick to the British throne, a
great portion of the people, under the denomination of tories, had
been degraded, persecuted, and oppressed. Superior to this narrow and
short sighted policy, Mr. Pitt sought to level these enfeebling and
irritating distinctions, and to engage every British subject in the
cause of his country. Thus commanding both the strength and the wealth
of the kingdom, with perhaps greater talents, he possessed certainly
greater means, than any of his predecessors.[156]