The Life of George Washington, Vol. 1 (of 5)
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In consequence of this resolution, thirteen companies of British
grenadiers, and part of the second battalion of royal Americans, were
landed near the mouth of the Montmorency, under cover of the cannon of
the ships; while two divisions, under generals Townshend and Murray,
prepared to cross that river higher up. The original plan was to make
the first attack on a detached redoubt close to the water's edge,
apparently unprotected by the fire from the entrenchments, in the hope
that Montcalm might be induced to support this work, and thereby
enable Wolfe to bring on a general engagement.[168]
[Footnote 168: Belsham.]
On the approach of the British troops, this redoubt was evacuated.
Observing some confusion in the French camp, Wolfe determined to avail
himself of the supposed impression of the moment, and to storm the
lines. With this view, he directed the grenadiers and royal Americans
to form on the beach, where they were to wait until the whole army
could be arranged to sustain them. Orders were at the same time
dispatched to Townshend and Murray to be in readiness for fording the
river.
[Sidenote: The English army repulsed.]
The grenadiers and royal Americans, disregarding their orders, rushed
forward, with impetuous valour on the entrenchments of the enemy. They
were received with so steady and well supported a fire, that they were
thrown into confusion, and compelled to retreat. The general advancing
in person with the remaining brigades, the fugitives formed again in
the rear of the army; but the plan of the attack was effectually
disconcerted, and the English commander gave orders for re-passing the
river, and returning to the island of Orleans.
Convinced by this disaster of the impracticability of approaching
Quebec on the side of the Montmorency, Wolfe again turned his whole
attention to the St. Lawrence. To destroy some ships of war lying in
the river, and at the same time to distract the attention of Montcalm
by descents at different places, twelve hundred men were embarked in
transports under the command of general Murray, who made two vigorous,
but unsuccessful attempts, to land on the northern shore. In the third
he was more fortunate. In a sudden descent on Chambaud, he burnt a
valuable magazine filled with military stores, but was still unable to
accomplish the main object of the expedition. The ships were secured
in such a manner as not to be approached by the fleet or army. Murray
was recalled; and on his return brought with him the intelligence that
Niagara was taken, that Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been
abandoned, and that general Amherst was making preparations to attack
the isle Aux Noix.[169]
[Footnote 169: Belsham. Russel.]
This intelligence, though joyfully received, promised no immediate
assistance; and the season for action was rapidly wasting away.[170]
Nor was it easy for Wolfe to avoid contrasting the success of the
British arms under other auspices, with the ill fortune attending his
own.
[Footnote 170: Belsham.]
A council of war having determined that all their future efforts
should be directed towards effecting a landing above the town, the
troops were withdrawn from the island of Orleans, and embarked on
board the fleet. Some of them were landed at Point Levi, and the
residue carried higher up the river.[171]
[Footnote 171: Belsham.]
Montcalm could not view this movement without alarm. That part of
Quebec, which faces the country, had not been well fortified; and he
was apprehensive that a landing might be effected high up the river,
and the town approached on its weak side. At the same time, he could
not safely relinquish his position, because the facility of
transportation which the command of the water gave the English, would
enable them to seize the ground he then occupied, should his army be
moved above the town.
Thus embarrassed, he detached Monsieur de Bougainville with fifteen
hundred men, to watch the motions of the English, and to prevent their
landing.
In this state of things Wolfe formed the bold and hazardous plan of
landing in the night, a small distance above the city, on the northern
bank of the river; and, by scaling a precipice, accessible only by a
narrow path, and therefore but weakly guarded, to gain the heights in
the rear of the town.
This resolution being taken, the admiral moved up the river, several
leagues above the place where the landing was to be attempted, and
made demonstrations of an intention to disembark a body of troops at
different places. During the night, a strong detachment, in flat
bottomed boats, fell silently down with the tide to the place fixed on
for the descent. This was made an hour before day-break, about a mile
above cape Diamond, Wolfe being the first man who leaped on shore. The
Highlanders and light infantry, who composed the van, under the
particular command of colonel Howe, had been directed to secure a four
gun battery defending an entrenched path by which the heights were to
be ascended, and to cover the landing of the remaining troops. The
violence of the current forced them rather below the point of
disembarkation; a circumstance which increased their difficulties.
However, scrambling up the precipice, they gained the heights, and
quickly dispersed the guard. The whole army followed up this narrow
pass; and, having encountered only a scattering fire from some
Canadians and Indians, gained the summit by the break of day, when the
several corps were formed under their respective leaders.[172]
[Footnote 172: Belsham. Russel.]
The intelligence that the English had gained the heights of Abraham
was soon conveyed to Montcalm, who comprehended at once the full force
of the advantage obtained by his adversary, and prepared for the
engagement which could no longer be avoided. Leaving his camp at
Montmorency, he crossed the St. Charles, for the purpose of attacking
the English army.[173]
[Footnote 173: Townshend's letter.]
This movement was made in the view of Wolfe, who immediately formed
his order of battle. His right wing was commanded by general Monckton,
and his left by general Murray. The right flank was covered by the
Louisbourg grenadiers, and the rear and left by the light infantry of
Howe. The reserve consisted of Webb's regiment, drawn up in eight
subdivisions, with large intervals between them.
Montcalm had formed his two wings of European and colonial troops in
nearly equal numbers. A column of Europeans composed his centre; and
two small field pieces were brought up to play on the English line. In
this order he marched to the attack, advancing in his front about
fifteen hundred militia and Indians, who kept up an irregular and
galling fire under cover of the bushes.
The movements of the French indicating an intention to flank his left,
general Wolfe ordered the battalion of Amherst, and the two battalions
of royal Americans, to that part of his line; where they were formed
_en potence_ under general Townshend, presenting a double front.
Disregarding the fire of the militia and Indians, he ordered his
troops to reserve themselves for the column advancing in the rear of
these irregulars.
[Sidenote: Battle on the plains of Abraham.]
[Sidenote: Death of Wolfe,]
[Sidenote: and of Montcalm.]
Montcalm had taken post on the left of the French army, and Wolfe on
the right of the British; so that the two generals met each other, at
the head of their respective troops; and there the battle was most
severe. The French advanced briskly to the charge, and commenced the
action with great animation. The English reserved their fire until the
enemy were within forty yards of them, when they gave it with immense
effect. The action was kept up for some time with great spirit. Wolfe,
advancing at the head of his grenadiers with charged bayonets,
received a mortal wound and soon afterwards expired. Undismayed by the
loss of their general, the English continued their exertions under
Monckton, on whom the command devolved. He also received a ball
through his body, and general Townshend took command of the British
army. About the same time Montcalm received a mortal wound, and
general Senezergus, the second in command, also fell. The left wing
and centre of the French began to give way; and, being pressed close
by the British, were driven from the field.
On the left and rear of the English, the action was less severe. The
light infantry had been placed in houses; and colonel Howe, the better
to support them, had taken post still farther to the left, behind a
copse. As the right of the French attacked the English left, he
sallied from this position, upon their flanks, and threw them into
disorder. In this critical moment, Townshend advanced several platoons
against their front, and completely frustrated the attempt to turn the
left flank.
[Sidenote: Victory of the English.]
In this state of the action, Townshend was informed that the command
had devolved on him. Proceeding instantly to the centre, he found that
part of the army thrown into some disorder by the ardour of pursuit;
and his immediate efforts were employed in restoring the line.
Scarcely was this effected, when Monsieur de Bougainville, who had
been detached as high as cape Rouge to prevent a landing above, and
who, on hearing that the English had gained the plains of Abraham,
hastened to the assistance of Montcalm, appeared in the rear at the
head of fifteen hundred men. Fortunately for the English, the right
wing of the French, as well as their left and centre, had been
entirely broken, and driven off the field. Two battalions and two
pieces of artillery being advanced towards Bougainville, he retired;
and Townshend did not think it advisable to risk the important
advantages already gained, by pursuing this fresh body of troops
through a difficult country.[174]
[Footnote 174: Townshend's letter. Belsham. Russel.
Gazette.]
In this decisive battle, nearly equal numbers appear to have been
engaged. The English however possessed this immense advantage:--they
were all veterans; while not more than half the French were of the
same description. This circumstance would lead to an opinion that some
motive, not well explained, must have induced Montcalm to hazard an
action before he was assured of being joined by Bougainville.
The French regulars were almost entirely cut to pieces. The loss of
the English was not so considerable as the fierceness of the action
would indicate. The killed and wounded were less than six hundred men;
but among the former, was the commander in chief. This gallant
officer, whose rare merit, and lamented fate, have presented a rich
theme for panegyric to both the poet and historian, received a ball in
his wrist in the commencement of the action; but, wrapping a
handkerchief around his arm, he continued to encourage his troops.
Soon afterwards he received a shot in the groin, which he also
concealed; and was advancing at the head of the grenadiers, when a
third bullet pierced his breast. Though expiring, it was with
reluctance he permitted himself to be carried into the rear, where he
displayed, in the agonies of death, the most anxious solicitude
concerning the fate of the day. Being told that the enemy was visibly
broken, he reclined his head, from extreme faintness, on the arm of an
officer standing near him; but was soon roused with the distant cry of
"they fly, they fly." "Who fly?" exclaimed the dying hero. On being
answered "the French." "Then," said he, "I depart content;" and,
almost immediately expired. "A death more glorious," adds Mr. Belsham,
"and attended with circumstances more picturesque and interesting, is
no where to be found in the annals of history."
The less fortunate, but not less gallant Montcalm expired on the same
day. The same love of glory, and the same fearlessness of death, which
so remarkably distinguished the British hero, were equally conspicuous
in his competitor for victory and for fame. He expressed the highest
satisfaction on hearing that his wound was mortal; and when told that
he could survive only a few hours, quickly replied, "so much the
better, I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec."[175]
[Footnote 175: Russel.]
[Sidenote: Quebec capitulates.]
The first days after the action were employed by general Townshend in
making preparations for the siege of Quebec. But before his batteries
were opened, the town capitulated; on condition that the inhabitants
should, during the war, be protected in the free exercise of their
religion, and the full enjoyment of their civil rights, leaving their
future destinies to be decided by the treaty of peace.
Quebec was garrisoned by about five thousand English, under the
command of general Murray; and the fleet sailed from the St. Lawrence.
The English minister, aware of the importance of completing the work
thus fortunately begun, was not of a temper to relax his exertions.
His letters to the governors of the several colonies contained
declarations of his intention to employ a strong military force for
the ensuing year, and exhortations to them to continue their efforts
for the annihilation of the French power in Canada. These exhortations
were accompanied with assurances that he would again apply to
parliament to reimburse their future extraordinary expenses; and were
productive of the desired effect. The several assemblies voted the
same number of troops, and amount of supplies, as had been furnished
the preceding year.
In the mean time the governor of New France, and the general of the
army, made great exertions to retrieve their affairs, and to avert the
ruin which threatened them.
The remaining European troops were collected about Montreal; where
they were reinforced with six thousand militia, and a body of Indians.
Monsieur de Levi, on whom the command had devolved, determined to
attempt the recovery of Quebec, before the opening of the St. Lawrence
should enable the English to reinforce the garrison, and to afford it
the protection of their fleet. But the out-posts being found too
strong to admit of his carrying the place by _a coup de main_, he was
under the necessity of postponing the execution of this design, until
the upper part of the St. Lawrence should open, and afford a
transportation by water, for his artillery and military stores.
{1760}
In the month of April these were embarked at Montreal, under convoy of
six frigates; which, sailing down the St. Lawrence, while the army
marched by land, reached Point au Tremble in ten days.
[Sidenote: Battle near Sillery.]
To avoid the hardships and dangers of a siege in a town too extensive
to be defended by his sickly garrison, and inhabited by persons known
to be hostile, Murray took the bold resolution of hazarding a battle.
Having formed this determination, he led out his garrison to the
heights of Abraham, and attacked the French near Sillery. He was
received with unexpected firmness; and, perceiving that his utmost
efforts could make no impression, he called off his army, and retired
into the city. In this fierce encounter, the English loss amounted to
near one thousand men; and they represent that of the French to have
been not less considerable.
[Sidenote: Quebec besieged.]
Monsieur de Levi improved his victory to the utmost. His trenches were
opened before the town, on the same evening; but such was the
difficulty of bringing up his heavy artillery, that near a fortnight
elapsed before he could mount his batteries, and bring his guns to
bear on the city. The batteries had been opened but a few days, when
the garrison was relieved from its perilous situation, by the arrival
of a British fleet.
Quebec being secure, Monsieur de Levi raised the siege, and retired to
Montreal.
During these transactions, general Amherst was taking measures for the
annihilation of the remnant of French power in Canada. He determined
to employ the immense force under his command for the accomplishment
of this object, and made arrangements, during the winter, to bring the
armies from Quebec, lake Champlain, and lake Ontario, to act against
Montreal.
The preparations being completed, the commander in chief marched at
the head of upwards of ten thousand British and provincials, from the
frontiers of New York to Oswego, where he was joined by sir William
Johnson, with one thousand Indians. He embarked his army at that
place, and proceeded down the St. Lawrence to Montreal.
Murray, who had been directed to advance up the river to the same
point, with as many men as could be spared from Quebec, appeared below
the town on the very day that Amherst approached it from above. The
two generals found no difficulty in disembarking their troops, and the
whole plan of co-operation had been so well concerted that, in a short
time, they were joined by colonel Haviland with the detachment from
Crown Point.
[Sidenote: Montreal capitulates.]
The junction of these armies presenting before Montreal a force not to
be resisted, the governor offered to capitulate. In the month of
September, Montreal, and all other places within the government of
Canada, then remaining in the possession of France, were surrendered
to his Britannic majesty. The troops were to be transported to France,
and the Canadians to be protected in their property, and the full
enjoyment of their religion.[176]
[Footnote 176: Minot. Belknap. Belsham. Russel.]
That colossal power, which France had been long erecting in America,
with vast labour and expense; which had been the motive for one of the
most extensive and desolating wars of modern times; was thus entirely
overthrown. The causes of this interesting event are to be found in
the superior wealth and population of the colonies of England, and in
her immense naval strength; an advantage, in distant war, not to be
counterbalanced by the numbers, the discipline, the courage, and the
military talents, which may be combined in the armies of an inferior
maritime power.
[Illustration: The Death of Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham
_From the painting by Benjamin West, in the Capitol at Ottawa, Canada_
_Surrounded by his devoted officers, General James Wolfe died in the
hour of victory over the French General Montcalm, in which the English
captured Quebec, September 13, 1759, and decided the destiny of North
American civilization. General Wolfe lived to hear the cry "They
run!", and expired with the words "Now God be praised, I will die in
peace."_
_In this canvas, painted in 1771, West departed from the venerated
custom of clothing pictorial characters in Greek or Roman costume. Sir
Joshua Reynolds, who had endeavored to dissuade him, later said, "I
retract my objections. I foresee that this picture will not only
become one of the most popular, but will occasion a revolution in
art."_]
The joy diffused throughout the British dominions by this splendid
conquest, was mingled with a proud sense of superiority which did not
estimate with exact justice, the relative means employed by the
belligerents. In no part of those dominions was this joy felt, in a
higher degree, or with more reason, than in America. In that region,
the wars between France and England had assumed a form, happily
unknown to other parts of the civilised world. Not confined, as in
Europe, to men in arms; women and children were its common victims. It
had been carried by the savage to the fire side of the peaceful
peasant, where the tomahawk and scalping knife were applied
indiscriminately to every age, and to either sex. The hope was now
fondly indulged that these scenes, at least in the northern and middle
colonies, were closed for ever.
The colonies of South Carolina and Georgia had been entirely exempted
from the sharp conflicts of the north. France having been unable to
draw Spain into the war, their neighbours in Florida remained quiet;
and the Indians on their immediate frontiers were in the English
interest. As the prospect of establishing peace in the north seemed to
brighten, this state of repose in the south sustained a short
interruption.
When the garrison of fort Du Quesne retired down the Ohio into
Louisiana, the French employed their address in the management of
Indians, to draw the Cherokees from their alliance with Great Britain.
Their negotiations with these savages were favoured by the irritations
given to their warriors in Virginia, where they had been employed
against the French, and the Indians in the French interest.
Their ill humour began to show itself in 1759. Upon its first
appearance, governor Lyttleton prepared to march into their country at
the head of a respectable military force. Alarmed at these hostile
appearances, they dispatched thirty-two of their chiefs to Charleston,
for the purpose of deprecating the vengeance with which their nation
was threatened. Their pacific representations did not arrest the
expedition. The governor not only persisted in the enterprise, but,
under the pretext of securing the safe return of the Indian
messengers, took them into the train of his army, where they were, in
reality, confined as prisoners. To add to this indignity, they were,
when arrived at the place of destination, shut up together in a single
hut.
Notwithstanding the irritation excited by this conduct, a treaty was
concluded, in which it was agreed that the chiefs detained by the
governor should remain with him as hostages, until an equal number of
those who had committed murder on the frontiers, should be delivered
in exchange for them; and that, in the meantime, the Indians should
seize and deliver up every white or red man coming into their country,
who should endeavour to excite them to war against the English. After
making this accommodation, the governor returned to Charleston,
leaving his hostages prisoners in fort Prince George.
Scarcely had the army retired, when the Cherokees began to contrive
plans for the relief of their chiefs. In an attempt to execute these
plans, they killed the captain of the fort and wounded two officers.
Orders were immediately given to put the hostages in irons; an
indignity so resented by these fierce savages, that the first persons
who attempted to execute the orders were stabbed. The soldiers enraged
at this resistance, fell on the hostages and massacred them.
[Sidenote: War with the southern Indians.]
Inflamed to madness by this event, the whole nation flew to arms; and,
according to their established mode of warfare, wreaked their fury on
the inhabitants of the country in indiscriminate murder.
Mr. Bull, on whom the government of the province had devolved,
represented the distresses of South Carolina in such strong terms to
general Amherst, that colonel Montgomery was ordered into that colony
with a detachment of regular troops. He arrived in April; but, as all
the forces would be required in the north, in order to complete the
conquest of Canada, he was directed to strike a sudden blow, and to
return to New York in time for the expedition against Montreal.
[Sidenote: Battle near Etchoe.]
The utmost exertions were made by the colony in aid of colonel
Montgomery, and he entered the Cherokee country with all the forces
that could be collected. Their lower towns were destroyed; but, near
the village of Etchoe, the first of their middle settlements, in an
almost impenetrable wood, he was met by a large body of savages, and a
severe action ensued. The English claimed the victory, but without
much reason. They were so roughly handled, that colonel Montgomery
withdrew his army, and retired to fort Prince George, at which place
he prepared to embark for New York.
The consternation of the province was the greater, as serious fears
were entertained that the Creeks and Choctaws, might be induced by the
French to join the Cherokees. Colonel Montgomery was pressed in the
most earnest manner, not to leave the province; and was, with
difficulty, prevailed on to permit four companies to remain, while,
with the main body of his detachment, he returned to New York.
{1761}
Mean while, the war continued to rage. The savages surrounded fort
Loudoun; and the garrison amounting to four hundred men, was compelled
by famine to surrender, on condition of being permitted to march into
the settlements. The Indians, who regard conventions no longer than
they are useful, attacked the garrison on its march, killed a number,
and made the residue prisoners. Carolina again applied to general
Amherst for assistance, who having completed the conquest of Canada,
had leisure to attend to the southern colonies. Late in May, a strong
detachment, commanded by colonel Grant, arrived at fort Prince George;
and the colony raised a body of provincials, and of friendly Indians,
to join him.
[Sidenote: Indians defeated.]
Early in June, he marched for the Cherokee towns. Near the place where
the action had been fought the preceding year by Montgomery, the
Indians again assembled in force, and gave battle in defence of their
country. The action commenced about eight in the morning, and was
maintained with spirit until eleven, when the Cherokees began to give
way. They were pursued for two or three hours, after which Grant
marched to the adjacent village of Etchoe, which he reduced to ashes.
All the towns of the middle settlement shared the same fate. Their
houses and corn fields were destroyed, and the whole country laid
waste. Reduced to extremity, they sued sincerely for peace; and, in
the course of the summer, the war was terminated by a treaty.[177]