The Life of George Washington, Vol. 1 (of 5)
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In the mean time, delegates were elected for the ensuing congress.
Even in New York, where the influence of administration in the
legislature had been sufficient to prevent an adoption of the
recommendations of congress, a convention was chosen for the purpose
of electing members to represent that province in the grand council of
the colonies.
In New England, although a determination not to commence hostility
appears to have been maintained, an expectation of it, and a settled
purpose to repel it, universally prevailed.
It was not long before the firmness of this resolution was put to the
test.
[Sidenote: Battle of Lexington.]
On the night preceding the 19th of April, general Gage detached
lieutenant colonel Smith, and major Pitcairn, with the grenadiers and
light infantry of the army, amounting to eight or nine hundred men,
with orders to destroy some military stores which had been collected
at Concord, about eighteen miles from Boston, notwithstanding the
secrecy and dispatch which were used, the country was alarmed by
messengers sent out by Doctor Warren; and, on the arrival of the
British troops at Lexington, about five in the morning, part of the
company of militia belonging to the town, was found on the parade,
under arms. Major Pitcairn, who led the van, galloped up, calling out,
"disperse, rebels, disperse." He was followed close by his soldiers,
who rushed upon the militia with loud huzzas. Some scattering guns
were fired, which were immediately followed by a general discharge,
and the firing was continued as long as any of the militia appeared.
Eight men were killed, and several wounded.
After dispatching six companies of light infantry to guard two bridges
which lay at some distance beyond the town, lieutenant colonel Smith
proceeded to Concord. While the main body of the detachment was
employed in destroying the stores in the town, some minute men and
militia, who were collected from that place and its neighbourhood,
having orders not to give the first fire, approached one of the
bridges, as if to pass it in the character of common travellers. They
were fired on, and two of them were killed. The fire was instantly
returned, and a skirmish ensued, in which the regulars were worsted,
and compelled to retreat with some loss. The alarm now becoming
general, the people rushed to the scene of action, and attacked the
King's troops on all sides. Skirmish succeeded skirmish, and they were
driven, from post to post, into Lexington. Fortunately for the
British, general Gage did not entertain precisely the opinion of the
military character of the Americans, which had been expressed in the
house of commons. Apprehending the expedition to be not entirely
without hazard, he had, in the morning, detached lord Percy with
sixteen companies of foot, a corps of marines, and two companies of
artillery, to support lieutenant colonel Smith. This seasonable
reinforcement, happening to reach Lexington about the time of his
arrival at that place, kept the provincials at a distance with their
field pieces, and gave the grenadiers and light infantry time to
breathe. But as soon as they resumed their march, the attack was
re-commenced; and an irregular but galling fire was kept up on each
flank, as well as in front and rear, until they arrived, on the common
of Charlestown. Without delay, they passed over the neck to Bunker's
hill, where they remained secure for the night, under the protection
of their ships of war; and, early next morning, crossed over to
Boston.
In this action, the loss of the British in killed, wounded, and
prisoners, was two hundred and seventy-three; while that of the
provincials did not exceed ninety. This affair, however trivial in
itself, was of great importance in its consequences. It was the
commencement of a long and obstinate war, and had no inconsiderable
influence on that war, by increasing the confidence which the
Americans felt in themselves, and by encouraging opposition, with the
hope of being successful. It supported the opinion which the colonists
had taken up with some doubt, that courage and patriotism were ample
substitutes for the knowledge of tactics; and that their skill in the
use of fire arms, gave them a great superiority over their
adversaries.
Although the previous state of things was such as to render the
commencement of hostilities unavoidable, each party seemed anxious to
throw the blame on its opponent. The British officers alleged that
they were fired on from a stone wall, before they attacked the militia
at Lexington; while the Americans proved, by numerous depositions,
that at Lexington, as well as at the bridge near Concord, the first
fire was received by them. The statement made by the Americans is
supported, not only by the testimony adduced, but by other
circumstances. In numbers, the militia at Lexington did not exceed
one-ninth of the British; and it is not probable that their friends
would have provoked their fate while in that perilous situation, by
commencing a fire on an enraged soldiery. It is also worthy of
attention, that the Americans uniformly sought to cover their
proceedings with the letter of the law; and, even after the affair at
Lexington, made a point of receiving the first fire at the bridge
beyond Concord.
The provincial congress, desirous of manifesting the necessity under
which the militia had acted, sent to their agents, the depositions
which had been taken relative to the late action, with a letter to the
inhabitants of Great Britain, stating that hostilities had been
commenced against them, and detailing the circumstances attending that
event.
But they did not confine themselves to addresses. They immediately
passed a resolution for raising thirteen thousand six hundred men in
Massachusetts, to be commanded by general Ward; and called on New
Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, for their respective quotas,
to complete an army of thirty thousand men for the common defence.
They also authorised the receiver general to borrow one hundred
thousand pounds on the credit of the colony, and to issue securities
for the re-payment thereof, bearing an interest of six per centum per
annum.
The neighbouring colonies complied promptly with this requisition;
and, in the mean time, such numbers assembled voluntarily, that many
were dismissed in consequence of the defect of means to subsist them
in the field; and the King's troops were themselves blocked up in the
peninsula of Boston.
About the same time, that enterprising spirit, which pervaded New
England, manifested itself in an expedition of considerable merit.
The possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the command of
lakes George and Champlain, were objects of importance in the
approaching conflict. It was known that these posts were weakly
defended; and it was believed that the feeble garrisons remaining in
them were the less to be dreaded, because they thought themselves
perfectly secure. Under these impressions, some gentlemen of
Connecticut, at the head of whom were Messrs. Deane, Wooster, and
Parsons, formed the design of seizing these fortresses by surprise;
and borrowed a small sum of money from the legislature of the colony,
to enable them to carry on the expedition. About forty volunteers
marched from Connecticut towards Bennington, where they expected to
meet with colonel Ethan Allen, and to engage him to conduct the
enterprise, and to raise an additional number of men.
[Sidenote: Ticonderoga surprised.]
[Sidenote: Crown Point surrenders.]
Colonel Allen readily entered into their views, and engaged to meet
them at Castleton. Two hundred and seventy men assembled at that
place, where they were joined by colonel Arnold, who was associated
with colonel Allen in the command. They reached lake Champlain in the
night of the ninth of May. Both Allen and Arnold embarked with the
first division consisting of eighty-three men, who effected a landing
without being discovered, and immediately marched against the fort,
which, being completely surprised, surrendered without firing a gun.
The garrison consisted of only forty-four rank and file, commanded by
a captain and one lieutenant. From Ticonderoga, colonel Seth Warren
was detached to take possession of Crown Point, which was garrisoned
only by a sergeant and twelve men. This service was immediately
executed, and the fort was taken without opposition.
At both these places, military stores of considerable value fell into
the hands of the Americans. The pass at Skeensborough was seized about
the same time by a body of volunteers from Connecticut.
To complete the objects of the expedition, it was necessary to obtain
the command of the lakes, which could be accomplished only by seizing
a sloop of war lying at St. Johns. This service was effected by
Arnold, who, having manned and armed a schooner found in South bay,
surprised the sloop, and took possession of her without opposition.
Thus, by the enterprise of a few individuals, and without the loss of
a single man, the important posts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point were
acquired, with the command of the lakes on which they stand.
[Sidenote: Meeting of congress.]
Intelligence of the capture of Ticonderoga was immediately transmitted
to congress, then just assembled at Philadelphia. The resolutions
passed on the occasion, furnish strong evidence of the solicitude felt
by that body, to exonerate the government, in the opinion of the
people, from all suspicion of provoking a continuance of the war, by
transcending the limits of self defence. Indubitable evidence, it was
asserted, had been received of a design for a cruel invasion of the
colonies from Canada, for the purpose of destroying their lives and
liberties; and it was averred that some steps had actually been taken
towards carrying this design into execution. To a justifiable desire
of securing themselves from so heavy a calamity, was attributed the
seizure of the posts on the lakes by the neighbouring inhabitants; and
it was recommended to the committees of New York and Albany to take
immediate measures for the removal of the cannon and military stores
to some place on the south end of lake George, there to be preserved
in safety. An exact inventory of the stores was directed to be taken,
"in order that they might be safely returned, when the restoration of
the former harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, so ardently
wished for by the latter, should render it prudent, and consistent
with the overruling law of self preservation."
Measures, however, were adopted to maintain the posts; but, to quiet
the apprehensions of their neighbours, congress resolved that, having
nothing more in view than self defence, "no expedition or incursion
ought to be undertaken or made by any colony, or body of colonists,
against, or into, Canada."
This resolution was translated into the French language, and
transmitted to the people of that province, in a letter in which all
their feelings, and particularly their known attachment to France,
were dexterously assailed; and the effort was earnestly made to kindle
in their bosoms, that enthusiastic love of liberty which was felt too
strongly by the authors of the letter, to permit the belief that it
could be inoperative with others.
During these transactions, generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton,
arrived at Boston, soon after which general Gage issued a proclamation
declaring martial law to be in force, and offering pardon to those who
would lay down their arms and submit to the King, with the exception
of Samuel Adams, and John Hancock.
On receiving intelligence of the battle of Lexington, New York
appeared to hesitate no longer. In that place also, the spirit which
animated the colonies generally, obtained the ascendancy. Yet the
royal party remained formidable; and it was thought advisable to march
a body of Connecticut troops into the neighbourhood, professedly to
protect the town against some British regiments expected from Ireland,
but really with the design of protecting the patriotic party.
The middle and southern colonies, though not so forward as those of
the north, laid aside the established government, and prepared for
hostilities.
[Sidenote: Transactions in Virginia.]
In Virginia, the governor, lord Dunmore, had just returned from a
successful expedition against the Indians, in which he had acquired
considerable popularity. Presuming too much on the favour of the
moment, and dissatisfied with some recommendations concerning the
militia and independent companies made by the colonial convention
which had assembled in Richmond, he employed the captain of an armed
vessel then lying in James river, a few miles from Williamsburg, to
convey to his ship by night, a part of the powder in the magazine,
belonging to the colony.
This measure, though conducted with great secrecy, was discovered; and
the people of the town assembled next morning in arms, for the purpose
of demanding restitution of the property which had been taken. The
magistrates, having prevailed on them to disperse, presented an
address to the governor, remonstrating against the removal of the
powder, which they alleged to be the more injurious, because it was
necessary for their defence in the event of an insurrection among
their slaves.
The governor acknowledged that the powder had been removed by his
order, but gave assurances that he would restore it, if an
insurrection of the slaves should render the measure necessary.
Unsatisfactory as this answer was, no farther means were used in
Williamsburg for its recovery.
This transaction excited a strong sensation in the interior of the
country. Meetings were held in several counties, and the conduct of
the governor was greatly condemned. The independent companies of
Hanover and King William, at the instance of Mr. Patrick Henry, a
member of congress, assembled, and marched for Williamsburg, with the
avowed design of compelling restitution of the powder, or of obtaining
its value. Their march was stopped by the active interposition of Mr.
Braxton, who obtained from the King's receiver general, a bill for the
value of the property that had been removed, with which he returned to
the companies, and prevailed on them to relinquish a farther
prosecution of the enterprise.[246]
[Footnote 246: The independent companies of the upper part
of the northern neck, also assembled to the number of about
six hundred men, and proceeded on horseback as far as
Fredericksburg, when a council was held in which Richard
Henry Lee, then on his way to congress, presided, which
advised their return to their respective homes.]
The alarm occasioned by this movement induced lady Dunmore, to retire
with her family on board the Fowey man of war, lying in James river;
whilst his lordship fortified his palace, which he garrisoned with a
corps of marines; and published a proclamation in which he charged
those who had procured the bill from the receiver general, with
rebellious practices.
During this state of irritation, lord North's conciliatory proposition
was received; and an assembly was suddenly called, to whose
consideration it was submitted. The governor used all his address to
procure its acceptance; but, in Virginia, as in the other colonies, it
was rejected, because it obviously involved a surrender of the whole
subject in contest.
[Sidenote: Governor Dunmore retires to the Fowey ship of war.]
One of the first measures of the assembly was to inquire into the
causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to examine the state
of the magazine. Although this building belonged to the colony, it was
in the custody of the governor; and, before admittance could be
obtained; some persons of the neighbourhood broke into it, one of whom
was wounded by a spring gun, and it was found that the powder which
remained had been buried, and that the guns were deprived of their
locks. These circumstances excited so great a ferment that the
governor thought proper to withdraw to the Fowey man of war. Several
letters passed between him and the legislature containing reciprocal
complaints of each other, in the course of which they pressed his
return to the seat of government, while he insisted on their coming on
board the Fowey. They were content that he should, even there, give
his assent to some bills that were prepared, but he refused so to do,
and the assembly dissolved itself; the members being generally elected
to a convention then about to meet in Richmond.
Thus terminated for ever, the regal government in Virginia.
[Sidenote: Provisional congress of South Carolina.]
In South Carolina, so soon as intelligence of the battle of Lexington
was received, a provincial congress was called by the committee of
correspondence. An association was formed, the members of which
pledged themselves to each other to repel force by force, whenever the
continental or provincial congress should determine it to be
necessary; and declared that they would hold all those inimical to the
colonies, who should refuse to subscribe it. The congress also
determined to put the town and province in a posture of defence, and
agreed to raise two regiments of infantry, and one of rangers.
[Sidenote: Arrival of lord William Campbell.]
While the congress was in session, lord William Campbell, who had been
appointed governor, arrived in the province, and was received with
those demonstrations of joy which had been usual on such occasions.
The congress waited on him with an address expressing the causes of
their proceedings; in which they declared that no love of innovation,
no desire of altering the constitution of government, no lust of
independence, had the least influence on their councils; but that they
had been compelled to associate and take up arms, solely for the
preservation, and in defence, of their lives, liberties, and property.
They entreated his excellency to make such a representation of the
state of the colony, and of their true motives, as to assure his
majesty that he had no subjects who more sincerely desired to testify
their loyalty and affection, or would be more willing to devote their
lives and fortunes to his real service. His lordship returned a mild
and prudent answer.[247]
[Footnote 247: Gordon.]
For some time lord William Campbell conducted himself with such
apparent moderation, as to remain on good terms with the leaders of
the opposition; but he was secretly exerting all the influence of his
station to defeat their views; and was, at length, detected in
carrying on negotiations with the Indians, and with the disaffected in
the interior. These people had been induced to believe that the
inhabitants of the sea coast, in order to exempt their tea from a
trifling tax, were about to engage them in a contest, which would
deprive them of their salt, osnaburgs, and other imported articles of
absolute necessity. The detection of these intrigues excited such a
ferment that the governor was compelled to fly from Charleston, and
take refuge on board a ship of war in the river. The government was
then, as elsewhere, taken entirely into the hands of men chosen by the
people; and a body of provincial troops was ordered into that part of
the country which adhered to the royal cause, where many individuals,
contrary to the advice of governor Campbell, had risen in arms. The
leaders were seized, and their followers dispersed.
In North Carolina also, governor Martin was charged with fomenting a
civil war, and exciting an insurrection among the negroes. Relying on
the aid he expected from the disaffected, especially from some
Highland emigrants, he made preparations for the defence of his
palace; but the people taking the alarm before his troops were raised,
he was compelled to seek safety on board a sloop of war in Cape Fear
river; soon after which, the committee resolved "that no person or
persons whatsoever should have any correspondence with him, on pain of
being deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with
accordingly."
As soon as congress was organised, Mr. Hancock laid before that body
the depositions showing that, in the battle of Lexington, the King's
troops were the aggressors; together with the proceedings of the
provincial congress of Massachusetts on that subject.
The affairs of America were now arrived at a crisis to which they had
been, for some time, rapidly tending; and it had become necessary for
the delegates of the other provinces finally to determine, either to
embark with New England in war, or, by separating from her, to
surrender the object for which they had jointly contended, and submit
to that unlimited supremacy which was claimed by parliament.
Even among the well informed, the opinion, that the contest would
ultimately be determined by the sword, had not become general. The
hope had been indulged by many of the popular leaders, that the union
of the colonies, the extent and serious aspect of the opposition, and
the distress which their non-importation agreements would produce
among the merchants and manufacturers of the parent state, would
induce administration to recede from its high pretensions, and restore
harmony and free intercourse. This opinion had derived strength from
the communications made them by their zealous friends in England. The
divisions and discontents of that country had been represented as much
greater than the fact would justify; and the exhortations transmitted
to them to persevere in the honourable course which had been commenced
with so much glory, had generally been accompanied with assurances
that success would yet crown their patriotic labours. Many had engaged
with zeal in the resistance made by America, and had acted on a full
conviction of the correctness of the principles for which they
contended, who would have felt some reluctance in supporting the
measures which had been adopted, had they believed that those measures
would produce war. But each party counted too much on the divisions of
the other; and each seems to have taken step after step, in the hope
that its adversary would yield the point in contest, without resorting
to open force. Thus, on both sides, the public feeling had been
gradually conducted to a point, which would, in the first instance,
have been viewed with horror, and had been prepared for events, which,
in the beginning of the controversy, would have alarmed the most
intrepid. The prevailing sentiment in the middle and southern colonies
still was, that a reconciliation, on the terms proposed by America,
was not even yet impracticable, and was devoutly to be wished; but
that war was to be preferred to a surrender of those rights, for which
they had contended, and to which they believed every British subject,
wherever placed, to be unquestionably entitled. They did not hesitate
therefore which part of the alternative to embrace; and their
delegates united cordially with those of the north, in such measures
as the exigency required. The resolution was unanimous that, as
hostilities had actually commenced, and as large reinforcements to the
British army were expected, these colonies should be immediately put
in a state of defence, and the militia of New York be armed and
trained, and kept in readiness to act at a moment's warning. Congress
also determined to embody a number of men, without delay, for the
protection of the inhabitants of that place, but did not authorise
opposition to the landing of any troops which might be ordered to that
station by the crown. The convention of New York had already consulted
congress on this subject, and had been advised to permit the soldiers
to take possession of the barracks, and to remain there so long as
they conducted themselves peaceably; but, if they should commit
hostilities, or invade private property, to repel force by force. Thus
anxious was congress even after a battle had been fought, not to widen
the breach between the two countries. In addition to the real wish for
reconciliation, sound policy directed that the people of America
should engage in the arduous conflict which was approaching, with a
perfect conviction that it was forced upon them, and not invited by
the intemperate conduct of their leaders. The divisions existing in
several of the States suggested the propriety of this conduct, even to
those who despaired of deriving any other benefit from it, than a
greater degree of union among their own countrymen. In this spirit,
congress mingled with the resolutions for putting the country in a
state of defence, others expressing the most earnest wish for
reconciliation with the mother country, to effect which, that body
determined to address, once more, an humble and dutiful petition to
the King, and to adopt measures for opening a negotiation in order "to
accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between Great Britain and
the colonies."
As no great confidence could be placed in the success of pacific
propositions, the resolution for putting the country in a state of
defence was accompanied with others rendered necessary by that
undetermined state between war and peace, in which America was placed.
All exports to those colonies, which had not deputed members to
congress, were stopped; and all supplies of provisions, and other
necessaries, to the British fisheries, or to the army or navy in
Massachusetts Bay, or to any vessels employed in transporting British
troops to America, or from one colony to another, were prohibited.
Though this resolution was only an extension of the system of
commercial resistance which had been adopted before the commencement
of hostilities, and was evidently provoked by the late act of
parliament, it seems to have been entirely unexpected, and certainly
produced great distress.