The Life of George Washington, Vol. 1 (of 5)

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Massachusetts having stated the embarrassments resulting from being
without a regular government, "at a time when an army was to be raised
to defend themselves against the butcheries and devastations of their
implacable enemies," and having declared a readiness to conform to
such general plan as congress might recommend to the colonies, it was
resolved "that no obedience is due to the act of parliament for
altering the charter of that colony, nor to officers who, instead of
observing that charter, seek its subversion." The governor and
lieutenant governor, therefore, were to be considered as absent, and
their offices vacant. To avoid the intolerable inconveniences arising
from a total suspension of government, "especially at a time when
general Gage had actually levied war, and was carrying on hostilities
against his majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects in that colony," it
was "recommended to the convention to write letters to the inhabitants
of the several places which are entitled to representation in the
assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that
such assembly or council exercise the powers of government until a
governor of his majesty's appointment will consent to govern the
colony, according to its charter."[248]

[Footnote 248: Journals of congress.]

These resolutions were quickly followed by others of greater vigour,
denoting more decidedly, a determination to prepare for the last
resort of nations.

It was earnestly recommended to the conventions of all the colonies to
provide the means of making gun powder, and to obtain the largest
possible supplies of ammunition. Even the non-importation agreement
was relaxed in favour of vessels importing these precious materials.
The conventions were also urged to arm and discipline the militia; and
so to class them, that one-fourth should be minute men. They were also
requested to raise several regular corps for the service of the
continent; and a general resolution was entered into, authorising any
province thinking itself in danger, to raise a body of regulars not
exceeding one thousand men, to be, paid by the united colonies.

Congress also proceeded to organise the higher departments of the
army, of which, colonel George Washington of Virginia was appointed
commander in chief.[249]

[Footnote 249: Artemus Ward of Massachusetts, then
commanding the troops before Boston; Colonel Charles Lee,
lately an officer in the British service; and Israel Putnam
of Connecticut, were appointed major generals; Horatio
Gates, who had held the rank of major in the British
service, was appointed adjutant general.]

[Sidenote: Manifesto of congress.]

Bills of credit to the amount of three millions of dollars were
emitted for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war, and the
faith of the twelve confederated colonies was pledged for their
redemption. Articles of war for the government of the continental army
were formed; though the troops were raised under the authority of the
respective colonies, without even a requisition from congress, except
in a few instances. A solemn dignified declaration, in form of a
manifesto, was prepared, to be published to the army in orders, and to
the people from the pulpit. After detailing the causes of their
opposition to the mother country, with all the energy of men feeling
the injuries of which they complain, the manifesto exclaims, "but why
should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute, it is
declared that parliament can, of right, make laws to bind us in all
cases whatsoever! What is to defend us against so enormous, so
unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen
by us, or is subject to our control or influence: but, on the
contrary, they are, all of them, exempt from the operation of such
laws; and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible
purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own
burdens in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to
which such despotism would reduce us. We, for ten years, incessantly
and ineffectually, besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we
remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language."

The manifesto next enumerates the measures adopted by administration
to enforce the claims of Great Britain, and then adds,--"we are
reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconstitutional submission
to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force.--The
latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and
humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received
from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a
right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of
resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably
awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.

"Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are
great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly
attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the
divine favour towards us, that his providence would not permit us to
be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our
present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation,
and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts
fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before
God and the world, DECLARE that, exerting the utmost energy of those
powers which our beneficent creator hath graciously bestowed upon us,
the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in
defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance,
employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind
resolved to die freemen, rather than to live slaves.

"Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and
fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean
not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted
between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has
not yet driven us to that desperate measure, or induced us to excite
any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with
ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing
independent states. We fight not for glory, or for conquest. We
exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by
unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of
offence. _They_ boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet
proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"In our own native land in defence of the freedom that is our birth
right, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it, for
the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry
of our forefathers, and ourselves, against violence actually offered,
we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall
cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being
renewed shall be removed, and not before."

Some intelligence respecting the movements of the British army having
excited a suspicion that general Gage intended to penetrate into the
country, the provincial congress recommended it to the council of war
to take measures for the defence of Dorchester neck, and to occupy
Bunker's hill, a commanding piece of ground just within the peninsula
on which Charlestown stands. In observance of these instructions, a
detachment of one thousand men, commanded by colonel Prescott, was
ordered to take possession of this ground; but, by some mistake,
Breed's hill, situate nearer to Boston, was marked out, instead of
Bunker's hill, for the proposed intrenchments.

The party sent on this service worked with so much diligence and
secrecy that, by the dawn of day, they had thrown up a small square
redoubt, without alarming some ships of war which lay in the river at
no great distance. As soon as the returning light discovered this work
to the ships, a heavy cannonade was commenced upon it, which the
provincials sustained with firmness. They continued to labour until
they had thrown up a small breast work stretching from the east side
of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, so as to extend considerably
their line of defence.

As this eminence overlooked Boston, general Gage determined to drive
the provincials from it; and for this purpose, detached major general
Howe, and brigadier general Pigot, at the head of ten companies of
grenadiers, and the same number of light infantry with a proper
proportion of field artillery. These troops landed at Moreton's point;
but, perceiving that the Americans waited for them with firmness, they
remained on their ground until the arrival of a reinforcement from
Boston, for which general Howe had applied. During this interval, the
Americans also were reinforced by a detachment under the command of
generals Warren and Pommeroy; and they availed themselves of this
delay to strengthen their defences with some adjoining posts and rails
which they pulled up and arranged in two parallel lines at a small
distance from each other; rilling the space between with hay, so as to
form a complete cover from the musketry of the assailants.

The British troops, on being joined by their second detachment,
advanced slowly, in two lines, under cover of a heavy discharge of
cannon and howitzers, frequently halting in order to allow their
artillery time to demolish the works. While they were advancing,
orders were given to set fire to Charlestown, a handsome village,
which flanked their line of march, and which was soon consumed.

It is not easy to conceive a spectacle more grand and more awful than
was now exhibited, nor a moment of more anxious expectation. The scene
of action was in full view of the heights of Boston and of its
neighbourhood, which were covered with spectators taking deep and
opposite interests in the events passing before them. The soldiers of
the hostile armies not on duty, the citizens of Boston, and the
inhabitants of the adjacent country; all feeling emotions which set
description at defiance, were witnesses of the majestic and tremendous
scene.

[Sidenote: Battle of Breed's hill.]

The provincials permitted the English to approach unmolested, within
less than one hundred yards of the works, and then poured in upon them
so deadly a fire that their line was broken, and they fell back with
precipitation towards the landing place. By the great exertions of
their officers, they were rallied and brought up to the charge; but
were again driven back in confusion by the heavy and incessant fire
from the works. General Howe is said to have been left, at one time,
almost alone; and it is certain that few officers about his person
escaped unhurt.

The impression to be made by victory or defeat in this early stage of
the war, was deemed so important that extraordinary exertions were
used once more to rally the English. With difficulty, they were led a
third time to the works. The redoubt was attacked on three sides,
while some pieces of artillery raked the breast work from end to end.
At the same time, a cross fire from the ships, and floating batteries
lying on both sides of the isthmus by which the peninsula is connected
with the continent, not only annoyed the works on Breed's hill, but
deterred any considerable reinforcements from entering the peninsula.
The ammunition of the Americans being nearly exhausted, they were no
longer able to keep up the same incessant stream of fire which had
twice repulsed the assailants; and the redoubt, which the English
mounted with ease, was carried at the point of the bayonet. Yet the
Americans, many of whom were without bayonets, are said to have
maintained the contest with clubbed muskets, until the redoubt was
half filled with the King's troops.

The redoubt being lost, the breast work was abandoned; and the
hazardous movement was accomplished, of retreating in the face of a
victorious enemy over Charlestown neck; exposed to the same cross
fire, which had deterred the reinforcements from coming to their
assistance.

The detachment employed on this enterprise consisted of about three
thousand men, composing the flower of the British army; and high
encomiums were bestowed on the resolution they displayed. According to
the returns, their killed and wounded amounted to one thousand and
fifty four,--an immense proportion of the number engaged in the
action. Notwithstanding the danger of the retreat over Charlestown
neck, the loss of the Americans was stated at only four hundred and
fifty men. Among the killed was Doctor Warren, a gentleman greatly
beloved and regretted, who fell just after the provincials began their
retreat from the breast work.

At the time, the colonial force on the peninsula was generally stated
at fifteen hundred men. It has been since estimated at four thousand.

Although the Americans lost the ground, they claimed the victory. Many
of the advantages of victory were certainly gained. Their confidence
in themselves was greatly increased; and it was asked, universally,
how many more such triumphs the invaders of their country could
afford?

The British army had been treated too roughly, to attempt farther
offensive operations. They contented themselves with seizing and
fortifying Bunker's hill, which secured the peninsula of Charlestown;
in which, however, they remained as closely blockaded as in that of
Boston.

The Americans were much elated by the intrepidity the raw troops had
displayed, and the execution they had done, in this engagement. They
fondly cherished the belief that courage, and dexterity in the use of
fire arms, would bestow advantages amply compensating the want of
discipline. Unfortunately for the colonies, this course of thinking
was not confined to the mass of the people. It seems to have extended
to those who guided the public councils, and to have contributed to
the adoption of a system, which, more than once, brought their cause
to the brink of ruin. They did not distinguish sufficiently between
the momentary efforts of a few brave men, brought together by a high
sense of the injuries which threatened their country, and carried into
action under the influence of keen resentments; and those steady
persevering exertions under continued suffering, which must be
necessary to bring an important war to a happy termination. Nor did
they examine with sufficient accuracy, several striking circumstances
attending the battle which had been fought. It is not easy to read the
accounts given of the action without being persuaded, that, had the
Americans on Breed's hill been supplied with ammunition, and been
properly supported; had the reinforcements ordered to their assistance
entered the peninsula, as soldiers in habits of obedience would have
done, and there displayed the heroic courage which was exhibited by
their countrymen engaged in defence of the works; the assailants must
have been defeated, and the flower of the British army cut to pieces.
It ought also to have been remarked that, while the few who were
endowed with more than a common portion of bravery, encountered the
danger of executing the orders they had received, the many were
deterred by the magnitude of that danger. But it is not by the few
that great victories are to be gained, or a country to be saved.

Amidst these hostile operations, the voice of peace was yet heard.
Allegiance to the King was still acknowledged; and a lingering hope
remained that an accommodation was not impossible. Congress voted a
petition to his majesty, replete with professions of duty and
attachment; and addressed a letter to the people of England, conjuring
them by the endearing appellations of "friends, countrymen, and
brethren," to prevent the dissolution of "that connexion which the
remembrance of former friendships, pride in the glorious achievements
of common ancestors, and affection for the heirs of their virtues, had
heretofore maintained." They uniformly disclaimed any idea of
independence, and professed themselves to consider union with England
on constitutional principles, as the greatest blessing which could be
bestowed on them.

But Britain had determined to maintain, by force, the legislative
supremacy of parliament; and America was equally determined, by force,
to repel the claim.

NOTES.

NOTE--No. I.--_See Page 195._

The annals of Massachusetts, for this period, exhibit one of those
wonderful cases of popular delusion, which infecting every class of
society, and gaining strength from its very extravagance; triumphing
over human reason, and cruelly sporting with human life; reveal to man
his deplorable imbecility, and would teach him, if the experience of
others could teach, never to countenance a departure from that
moderation, and those safe and sure principles of moral rectitude
which have stood the test of time, and have received the approbation
of the wise and good in all ages. A very detailed and interesting
account of the humiliating and affecting events here alluded to has
been given by Mr. Hutchinson, but is too long to be inserted entire in
this work; they were, however, of too much magnitude while passing, to
be entirely unnoticed even at this day.

In Great Britain, as well as in America, the opinion had long
prevailed that, by the aid of malignant spirits, certain persons
possessed supernatural powers, which were usually exercised in the
mischievous employment of tormenting others; and the criminal code of
both countries was disgraced with laws for the punishment of
witchcraft. With considerable intervals between them, some few
instances had occurred in New England of putting this sanguinary law
in force; but in the year 1692, this weakness was converted into
frenzy; and after exercising successfully its destructive rage on
those miserable objects whose wayward dispositions had excited the ill
opinion, or whose age and wretchedness ought to have secured them the
pity of their neighbours, its baneful activity was extended to persons
in every situation of life, and many of the most reputable members of
society became its victims.

The first scene of this distressing tragedy was laid in Salem. The
public mind had been prepared for its exhibition by some publications,
stating the evidence adduced in former trials for witchcraft both in
Old and New England, in which full proof was supposed to have been
given of the guilt of the accused. Soon after this, some young girls
in Boston had accustomed themselves to fall into fits, and had
affected to be struck dead on the production of certain popular books,
such as the _assembly's catechism_, and _Cotton's milk for babes_,
while they could read Oxford's jests, or popish and quaker books, with
many others, which were deemed profane, without being in any manner
affected by them. These pretences, instead of exposing the fraud to
instant detection, seem to have promoted the cheat; and they were
supposed to be possessed by demons who were utterly confounded at the
production of those holy books. "Sometimes," says Mr. Hutchinson,
"they were deaf, then dumb, then blind; and sometimes, all these
disorders together would come upon them. Their tongues would be drawn
down their throats, then pulled out upon their chins. Their jaws,
necks, shoulders, elbows, and all their joints would appear to be
dislocated, and they would make most piteous outcries of burnings, of
being cut with knives, beat, &c. and the marks of wounds were
afterwards to be seen." At length an old Irish woman, not of good
character, who had given one of those girls some harsh language, and
to whom all this diabolical mischief was attributed, was apprehended
by the magistracy; and neither confessing nor denying the fact, was,
on the certificate of physicians that she was _compos mentis_,
condemned and executed.

Sir William Phipps, the governor, on his arrival from England, brought
with him opinions which could not fail to strengthen the popular
prejudice, and the lieutenant governor supported one which was well
calculated to render it sanguinary. He maintained that though the
devil might appear in the shape of a guilty person, he could never be
permitted to assume that of an innocent one. Consequently, when those
who affected to perceive the form which tormented them designated any
particular person as guilty, the guilt of that person was established,
because he could not, if innocent, be personated by an evil spirit.

The public mind being thus predisposed, four girls in Salem complained
of being afflicted in the same manner with those in Boston. The
physicians, unable to account for the disorder, attributed it to
witchcraft, and an old Indian woman in the neighbourhood was selected
as the witch. The attention bestowed on these girls gave them great
importance; and not only confirmed them in the imposture, but produced
other competitors who were ambitious of the same distinction. Several
other persons were now bewitched; and not only the old Indian, but two
other old women, the one bedridden, and the other subject to
melancholy and distraction, were accused as witches. It was necessary
to keep up the agitation already excited, by furnishing fresh subjects
for astonishment; and in a short time, the accusations extended to
persons who were in respectable situations. The manner in which these
accusations were received, evidenced such a degree of public
credulity, that the impostors seem to have been convinced of their
power to assail with impunity, all whom caprice or malignity might
select for their victims. Such was the prevailing infatuation, that in
one instance, a child of five years old was charged as an accomplice
in these pretended crimes; and if the nearest relatives of the accused
manifested either tenderness for their situation, or resentment at the
injury done their friends, they drew upon themselves the vengeance of
these profligate impostors, and were involved in the dangers from
which they were desirous of rescuing those with whom they were most
intimately connected. For going out of church when allusions were made
from the pulpit to a person of fair fame, a sister was charged as a
witch; and for accompanying on her examination a wife who had been
apprehended, the husband was involved in the same prosecution, and was
condemned and executed. In the presence of the magistrates these
flagitious accusers affected extreme agony, and attributed to those
whom they accused, the power of torturing them by a look. The
examinations were all taken in writing, and several of them are
detailed at full length in Mr. Hutchinson's history of Massachusetts.
They exhibit a deplorable degree of blind infatuation on one side, and
of atrocious profligacy on the other, which if not well attested,
could scarcely be supposed to have existed.

Many persons of sober lives, and unblemished characters, were
committed to prison; and the public prejudices had already pronounced
their doom. Against charges of this nature, thus conducted, no defence
could possibly be made. To be accused was to be found guilty. The very
grossness of the imposition seemed to secure its success, and the
absurdity of the accusation to establish the verity of the charge.

The consternation became almost universal. It was soon perceived that
all attempts to establish innocence must be ineffectual; and the
person accused could only hope to obtain safety, by confessing the
truth of the charge, and criminating others. The extent of crime
introduced by such a state of things almost surpasses belief. Every
feeling of humanity is shocked when we learn that to save themselves,
children accused their parents; in some instances, parents their
children; and in one case, sentence of death was pronounced against a
husband on the testimony of his wife.

There were examples of persons who under the terrors of examination
confessed themselves guilty, and accused others; but unable afterwards
to support the reproaches of conscience, retracted their confessions
under the persuasion that death would be the consequence of doing so.

During this reign of popular frenzy, the bounds of probability were so
far transcended, that we scarcely know how to give credit to the well
attested fact, that among those who were permitted to save themselves
by confessing that they were witches, and joining in the accusation of
their parents, were to be found children from seven to ten years of
age! Among the numbers who were accused, only one person was
acquitted. For this he was indebted to one of the girls who would not
join the others in criminating him.

The examination had commenced in February, and the list of commitments
had swelled to a lamentable bulk by June, when the new charter having
arrived, commissioners of oyer and terminer were appointed for the
trial of persons charged with witchcraft. By this court, a
considerable number were condemned, of whom nineteen, protesting their
innocence, were executed. It is observed by Mr. Hutchinson, that those
who were condemned and not executed had most probably saved themselves
by a confession of their guilt.

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