The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2 (of 5)
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[Footnote 42: General Howe's letter.]
The fire towards Brooklyn gave the first intimation to the American
right, that the enemy had gained their rear. Lord Stirling perceived
the danger, and that he could only escape it by retreating instantly
across the creek. This movement was immediately directed; and, to
secure it, his lordship determined to attack, in person, a British
corps under Lord Cornwallis, stationed at a house rather above the
place at which he intended to cross the creek. About four hundred men
of Smallwood's regiment were drawn out for this purpose, and the
attack was made with great spirit. This small corps was brought up
several times to the charge; and Lord Stirling stated that he was on
the point of dislodging Lord Cornwallis from his post; but the force
in his front increasing, and General Grant also advancing on his rear,
the brave men he commanded were no longer able to oppose the superior
numbers which assailed them on every quarter; and those who survived
were, with their General, made prisoners of war. This attempt, though
unsuccessful, gave an opportunity to a large part of the detachment to
save themselves by crossing the creek.
The loss sustained by the American army in this battle could not be
accurately ascertained by either party. Numbers were supposed to have
been drowned in the creek, or suffocated in the marsh, whose bodies
were never found; and exact accounts from the militia are seldom to be
obtained, as the list of the missing is always swelled by those who
return to their homes. General Washington did not admit it to exceed a
thousand men; but in this estimate he must have included only the
regular troops. In the letter written by General Howe, the amount of
prisoners is stated at one thousand and ninety-seven; among whom were
Major General Sullivan, and Brigadiers Lord Stirling and Woodhull, by
him named Udell. He computes the loss of the Americans at three
thousand three hundred men; but his computation is probably excessive.
He supposes, too, that the troops engaged on the heights, amounted to
ten thousand; but they could not have much exceeded half that number.
His own loss is stated at twenty-one officers, and three hundred and
forty-six privates; killed, wounded, and taken.
As the action became warm, General Washington passed over to the camp
at Brooklyn, where he saw, with inexpressible anguish, the destruction
in which his best troops were involved, and from which it was
impossible to extricate them. Should he attempt any thing in their
favour with the men remaining within the lines, it was probable the
camp itself would be lost, and that whole division of his army
destroyed. Should he bring over the remaining battalions from New
York, he would still be inferior in point of numbers; and his whole
army, perhaps the fate of his country, might be staked on the issue of
a single battle thus inauspiciously commenced. Compelled to behold the
carnage of his troops, without being able to assist them, his efforts
were directed to the preservation of those which remained.
{July 28.}
Believing the Americans to be much stronger than they were in reality,
and unwilling to commit any thing to hazard, General Howe made no
immediate attempt to force their lines. He encamped in front of them;
and, on the twenty-eighth at night, broke ground in form, within six
hundred yards of a redoubt on the left.
{July 29.}
In this critical state of things, General Washington determined to
withdraw from Long Island. This difficult movement was effected on the
night of the twenty-eighth, with such silence, that all the troops and
military stores, with the greater part of the provisions, and all the
artillery, except such heavy pieces as could not be drawn through the
roads, rendered almost impassable by the rains which had fallen, were
carried over in safety. Early next morning, the British out-posts
perceived the rear guard crossing the East river, out of reach of
their fire.
From the commencement of the action on the morning of the
twenty-seventh, until the American troops had crossed the East river
on the morning of the twenty-ninth, the exertions and fatigues of the
Commander-in-chief were incessant. Throughout that time, he never
closed his eyes, and was almost constantly on horseback.
The manner in which this critical operation was executed, and the
circumstances under which it was performed, added greatly to the
reputation of the American general, in the opinion of all military
men. To withdraw, without loss, a defeated, dispirited, and
undisciplined army from the view of an experienced and able officer,
and to transport them in safety across a large river, while watched by
a numerous and vigilant fleet, require talents of no ordinary kind;
and the retreat from Long Island may justly be ranked among those
skilful manoeuvres which distinguish a master in the art of war.
The attempt to defend Long Island was so perilous in itself, and so
disastrous in its issue, that it was condemned by many at the time,
and is yet represented as a great error of the Commander-in-chief.
But, in deciding on the wisdom of measures, the event will not always
lead to a correct judgment. Before a just opinion can be formed, it is
necessary to consider the previous state of things--to weigh the
motives which induced the decision--and to compare the value of the
object, and the probability of securing it, with the hazards attending
the attempt.
It was very desirable to preserve New York, if practicable; or, if
that could not be done, to consume the campaign in the struggle for
that place. The abandonment of Long Island, besides giving the enemy
secure and immediate possession of an extensive and fertile country,
would certainly facilitate the success of his attempt upon New York.
It was therefore to be avoided, if possible.
The impossibility of avoiding it was not evident until the battle was
fought. It is true, that the American force on the island could not
have been rendered equal, even in point of numbers, to that of the
British; but, with the advantage of the defencible country through
which the assailants were to pass, and of a fortified camp which could
be attacked only on one side, hopes might be entertained, without the
imputation of being oversanguine, of maintaining the position for a
considerable time; and, ultimately, of selling it at a high price.
This opinion is supported by the subsequent movements of General Howe,
who, even after the victory of the twenty-seventh, was unwilling to
hazard an assault on the American works, without the co-operation of
the fleet; but chose rather to carry them by regular approaches. Nor
would the situation of the troops on Long Island have been desperate,
even in the event of a conjoint attack by land and water, before their
strength and spirits were broken by the action of the twenty-seventh.
The East river was guarded by strong batteries on both sides, and the
entrance into it from the bay was defended by Governor's Island, which
was fortified, and in which two regiments were stationed. The ships
could not lie in that river, without first silencing those
batteries--a work not easily accomplished. The aid of the fleet,
therefore, could be given only at the point of time when a storm of
the works should be intended; and when that should appear practicable,
the troops might be withdrawn from the island.
There was then considerable hazard in maintaining Long Island; but not
so much as to demonstrate the propriety of relinquishing a post of
such great importance, without a struggle.
With more appearance of reason, the General has been condemned for not
having guarded the road which leads over the hills from Jamaica to
Bedford.
The written instructions given to the officer commanding on Long
Island, two days previous to the action, directed that the woods
should be well guarded, and the approach of the enemy through them
rendered as difficult as possible. But his numbers were not sufficient
to furnish detachments for all the defiles through the mountains; and
if a corps, capable of making an effectual resistance, had been posted
on this road, and a feint had been made on it, while the principal
attack was by the direct road from Flatbush, or by that along the
coast, the events of the day would probably have been not less
disastrous. The columns marching directly from Flatbush must, on every
reasonable calculation, have been in possession of the plain in the
rear of the detachment posted on the road from Jamaica, so as to
intercept its retreat to the camp. So great is the advantage of those
who attack, in being able to choose the point against which to direct
their grand effort.
The most adviseable plan, then, appears to have been, to watch the
motions of the enemy so as to be master of his designs; to oppose with
a competent force every attempt to seize the heights; and to guard all
the passes in such a manner as to receive notice of his approach
through any one of them, in sufficient time to recall the troops
maintaining the others.
This plan was adopted--and the heavy disasters of the day are
attributable, principally, to the failure of those charged with the
execution of that very important part of it which related to the
Jamaica road. The letter of General Howe states that an American
patrolling party was taken on this road; and General Washington, in a
private and confidential communication to a friend, says, "This
misfortune happened, in a great measure, by two detachments of our
people who were posted in two roads leading through a wood, to
intercept the enemy in their march, suffering a surprise, and making a
precipitate retreat."
The events of this day, too, exhibited a practical demonstration of a
radical defect in the structure of the army. It did not contain a
single corps of cavalry. That miscalculating economy which refuses the
means essential to the end, was not sufficiently relaxed to admit of
so expensive an establishment. Had the General been furnished with a
few troops of light-horse, to serve merely as videts, it is probable
that the movement so decisive of the fate of the day could not have
been made unnoticed. The troops on the lines do not appear to have
observed the column which was withdrawn, on the evening of the
twenty-sixth, from Flatbush to Flatland. Had this important manoeuvre
been communicated, it would, most probably, have turned the attention
of General Putnam, more particularly, to the Jamaica road. It is to
the want of videts, that a failure to obtain this important
intelligence is to be ascribed. The necessity of changing the officer
originally intrusted with the command, was also an unfortunate
circumstance, which probably contributed to the event which happened.
Whatever causes might have led to this defeat, it gave a gloomy aspect
to the affairs of America. Heretofore, her arms had been frequently
successful, and her soldiers had always manifested a great degree of
intrepidity. A confidence in themselves, a persuasion of superiority
over the enemy, arising from the goodness of their cause, and their
early and habitual use of fire arms, had been carefully encouraged.
This sentiment had been nourished by all their experience preceding
this event. When they found themselves, by a course of evolutions in
which they imagined they perceived a great superiority of military
skill, encircled with unexpected dangers, from which no exertions
could extricate them, their confidence in themselves and in their
leaders was greatly diminished, and the approach of the enemy inspired
the apprehension that some stratagem was concealed, from which
immediate flight alone could preserve them.
{September 2.}
In a letter from General Washington to congress, the state of the army
after this event was thus feelingly described: "Our situation is truly
distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the 27th ultimo,
has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their
minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling
forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order
to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to
return. Great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, almost
by whole regiments; in many, by half ones and by companies, at a time.
This circumstance, of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a
well appointed enemy, superior in number to our whole collected force,
would be sufficiently disagreeable; but when it is added, that their
example has infected another part of the army; that their want of
discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and
government, have rendered a like conduct but too common in the whole;
and have produced an entire disregard of that order and subordination
necessary for the well doing of an army, and which had been before
inculcated as well as the nature of our military establishment would
admit of; our condition is still more alarming, and with the deepest
concern I am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the
generality of the troops.
"All these circumstances fully confirm the opinion I ever entertained,
and which I, more than once, in my letters, took the liberty of
mentioning to congress, that no dependence could be placed in a
militia, or other troops than those enlisted and embodied for a longer
period than our regulations have hitherto prescribed. I am persuaded,
and am as fully convinced as of any one fact that has happened, that
our liberties must, of necessity, be greatly hazarded, if not entirely
lost, if their defence be left to any but a permanent army."
[Sidenote: Fruitless negotiations.]
The first use made by Lord Howe of the victory of the 27th of August,
was to avail himself of the impression it had probably made on
congress, by opening a negotiation in conformity with his powers as a
commissioner. For this purpose, General Sullivan was sent on parole to
Philadelphia, with a verbal message, the import of which was, "that
though he could not at present treat with congress as a political
body, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of its
members, whom he would consider, for the present, only as private
gentlemen, and meet them as such at any place they would appoint.
"That, in conjunction with General Howe, he had full powers to
compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America, on terms
advantageous to both; the obtaining of which detained him near two
months in England, and prevented his arrival in New York before the
declaration of independence took place.
"That he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no
decisive blow was struck, and neither party could allege being
compelled to enter into such agreement.
"That in case congress were disposed to treat, many things which they
had not as yet asked, might, and ought to be granted them; and that
if, upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an
accommodation, the authority of congress must be afterwards
acknowledged--otherwise the compact would not be complete."
This proposition was not without its embarrassments. Its rejection
would give some countenance to the opinion, that, if independence were
waved, a restoration of the ancient connexion between the two
countries, on principles formerly deemed constitutional, was still
practicable; an opinion which would have an unfavourable effect on the
public sentiment. On the other hand, to enter into a negotiation under
such circumstances, might excite a suspicion, that their determination
to maintain the independence they had declared, was not immoveable;
and that things were in such a situation, as to admit of some
relaxation in the measures necessary for the defence of the country.
The answer given to Lord Howe, through General Sullivan, was, "that
congress, being the representatives of the free and independent States
of America, can not, with propriety, send any of its members to confer
with his Lordship in their private characters; but that, ever desirous
of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee
of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with
persons authorized by congress for that purpose, on behalf of America;
and what that authority is;--and to hear such propositions as he shall
think proper to make, respecting the same."
The President was, at the same time, directed to communicate to
General Washington the opinion of congress, that no propositions for
making peace "ought to be received or attended to, unless the same be
made in writing, and addressed to the representatives of the United
States in congress, or persons authorized by them: And if applications
on that subject be made to him by any of the commanders of the British
forces, that he inform them, that these United States, who entered
into the war only for the defence of their lives and liberties, will
cheerfully agree to peace on reasonable terms, whenever such shall be
proposed to them in manner aforesaid."
It is worthy of remark, that, in these resolutions, congress preserves
the appearance of insisting on the independence of the United States,
without declaring it to be the indispensable condition of peace.
Mr. Franklin, Mr. John Adams, and Mr. Edward Rutledge, all zealous
supporters of independence, were appointed "to receive the
communications of Lord Howe."
They waited on his Lordship; and, on their return, reported, that he
had received them on the 11th of September, on Staten Island, opposite
to Amboy, with great politeness.
He opened the conversation by acquainting them, that though he could
not treat with them as a committee of congress, yet, as his powers
enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of
influence in the colonies, on the means of restoring peace between the
two countries, he was glad of this opportunity of conferring with them
on that subject; if they thought themselves at liberty to enter into a
conference with him in that character. The committee observed to his
Lordship, that, as their business was to hear, he might consider them
in what light he pleased, and communicate to them any propositions he
might be authorized to make for the purpose mentioned; but that they
could consider themselves in no other character than that in which
they were placed by order of congress. His Lordship then proceeded to
open his views at some length. He offered peace only on the condition
that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to
the British crown. He made no explicit propositions as inducements to
this measure, but gave assurances that there was a good disposition in
the king and his ministers to make the government easy to them, with
intimations that, in case of submission, the offensive acts of
parliament would be revised, and the instructions to the Governors
reconsidered; so that, if any just causes of complaint were found in
the acts, or any errors in government were found to have crept into
the instructions, they might be amended or withdrawn.
The committee gave it as their opinion to his Lordship, that a return
to the domination of Great Britain was not now to be expected. They
mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the colonies to the king
and parliament, which had been treated with contempt, and answered
only by additional injuries; the unexampled patience which had been
shown under their tyrannical government; and that it was not until the
late act of parliament, which denounced war against them, and put them
out of the king's protection, that they declared their independence;
that this declaration had been called for by the people of the
colonies in general, and that every colony had approved it when
made,--and all now considered themselves as independent states, and
were settling, or had settled, their governments accordingly; so that
it was not in the power of congress to agree for them that they should
return to their former dependent state; that there was no doubt of
their inclination for peace, and their willingness to enter into a
treaty with Britain, that might be advantageous to both countries;
that though his Lordship had, at present, no power to treat with them
as independent states, he might, if there was the same good
disposition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from his
government, for that purpose, than powers could be obtained by
congress, from the several colonies, to consent to a submission.
His Lordship then expressed his regret that no accommodation was like
to take place, and put an end to the conference.
These fruitless negotiations produced no suspension of hostilities.
The British army, now in full possession of Long Island, was posted
from Bedford to Hurlgate; and thus fronted and threatened York Island
from its extreme southern point, to the part opposite the northern
boundary of Long Island, a small distance below the heights of
Haerlem; comprehending a space of about nine miles.
The two armies were divided only by the East river, which is generally
less than a mile wide.
{September 4.}
Immediately after the victory at Brooklyn, dispositions were made by
the enemy to attack New York, and a part of the fleet sailed round
Long Island, and appeared in the Sound. Two frigates passed up the
East river, without receiving any injury from the batteries, and
anchored behind a small island which protected them from the American
artillery. At the same time, the main body of the fleet lay at anchor
close in with Governor's Island, from which the American troops had
been withdrawn, ready to pass up either the North or East river, or
both, and act against any part of York Island.
These movements indicated a disposition, not to make an attack
directly on New York, as had been expected, but to land near
Kingsbridge, and take a position which would cut off the communication
of the American army with the country.
Aware of the danger of his situation, General Washington began to
remove such stores as were not immediately necessary; and called a
council of general officers for the purpose of deciding, whether New
York should be evacuated without delay, or longer defended.
In his letter communicating to congress the result of this council,
which was against an immediate evacuation, he manifested a conviction
of the necessity of that measure, though he yielded to that necessity
with reluctance. Speaking of the enemy, he observed, "It is now
extremely obvious from their movements, from our intelligence, and
from every other circumstance, that, having their whole army upon Long
Island, except about four thousand men who remain on Staten Island,
they mean to enclose us in this island, by taking post in our rear,
while their ships effectually secure the front; and thus, by cutting
off our communication with the country, oblige us to fight them on
their own terms, or surrender at discretion; or, if that shall be
deemed more adviseable, by a brilliant stroke endeavour to cut this
army to pieces, and secure the possession of arms and stores, which
they well know our inability to replace.
"Having their system unfolded to us, it becomes an important
consideration how it could be most successfully opposed. On every side
there is a choice of difficulties, and experience teaches us, that
every measure on our part (however painful the reflection) must be
taken with some apprehension, that all our troops will not do their
duty.
"In deliberating upon this great question," he added, "it was
impossible to forget that history, our own experience, the advice of
our ablest friends in Europe, the fears of the enemy, and even the
declarations of congress, demonstrate that, on our side, the war
should be defensive;--(it has ever been called a war of posts;)--that
we should, on all occasions, avoid a general action, nor put any thing
to the risk, unless compelled by necessity, into which we ought never
to be drawn."
After communicating the decision which had been made by the council of
officers, he stated the opinion of those who were in favour of an
immediate evacuation with such force, as to confirm the belief that it
remained his own.
The majority, who overruled this opinion, did not expect to be able to
defend the city, permanently, but to defer the time of losing it, in
the hope of wasting so much of the campaign, before General Howe could
obtain possession of it, as to prevent his undertaking any thing
farther until the following year. They therefore advised a middle
course between abandoning the town absolutely, and concentrating their
whole strength for its defence. This was, to form the army into three
divisions; one of which should remain in New York; the second be
stationed at Kingsbridge, and the third occupy the intermediate space,
so as to support either extreme. The sick were to be immediately
removed to Orange Town. A belief that congress was inclined to
maintain New York at every hazard, and a dread of the unfavourable
impression which its evacuation might make on the people, seem to have
had great influence in producing the determination to defend the place
yet a short time longer.