The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2 (of 5)
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The two great bays of Delaware and Chesapeake suggested the
alternative of proceeding by water, should he be unable to manoeuvre
General Washington out of his present encampment.
{June.}
{June 12.}
The plan of the campaign being settled, and some small reinforcements
with the expected camp equipage being received from Europe, General
Howe, leaving a garrison in New York, and a guard in Amboy, assembled
his army at Brunswick, and gave strong indications of an intention to
penetrate through the country to the Delaware, and reach Philadelphia
by land.
Believing this to be his real design, Washington placed a select corps
of riflemen under the command of Colonel Morgan, an officer who had
distinguished himself in the unfortunate attempt to storm Quebec, and
in whom those peculiar qualities which fit a man for the command of a
partisan corps, designed to act on the lines of a formidable enemy,
were eminently united.
He was ordered to take post at Vanvighton's Bridge on the Raritan,
just above its confluence with the Millstone River, to watch the left
flank of the British army, and seize every occasion to harass it.
[Sidenote: Sir William Howe moves out to Somerset Court House in great
force.]
Early in the morning of the 14th, Sir William Howe, leaving two
thousand men under the command of General Matthews at Brunswick,
advanced in two columns towards the Delaware. The front of the first,
under Lord Cornwallis, reached Somerset Court House, nine miles from
Brunswick, by the appearance of day; and the second, commanded by
General de Heister, reached Middlebush about the same time.
This movement was made with the view of inducing General Washington to
quit his fortified camp, and approach the Delaware,[59] in which
event, the British general expected to bring on an engagement on
ground less disadvantageous than that now occupied by the American
army. But that officer understood the importance of his position too
well to abandon it. On the first intelligence that the enemy was in
motion, he drew out his whole army, and formed it, to great advantage,
on the heights in front of his camp. This position was constantly
maintained. The troops remained in order of battle during the day;
and, in the night, slept on the ground to be defended. In the mean
time the Jersey militia, with an alacrity theretofore unexampled in
that state, took the field in great numbers. They principally joined
General Sullivan, who had retired from Princeton, behind the Sourland
hills towards Flemingtown, where an army of some respectability was
forming, which could readily co-operate with that under the immediate
inspection of the Commander-in-chief.
[Footnote 59: General Howe's letter.]
The settled purpose of General Washington was to defend his camp, but
not to hazard a general action on other ground. He had therefore
determined not to advance from the heights he occupied, into the open
country, either towards the enemy, or the Delaware.
The object of General Howe seems to have been, by acting on his
anxiety for Philadelphia, to seduce him from the strong ground about
Middlebrook, and tempt him to approach the Delaware, in the hope of
defending its passage. Should he succeed in this, he had little doubt
of being able to bring on an engagement, in which he counted with
certainty on victory. The considerations which restrained General Howe
from attempting to march through Jersey, leaving the American army in
full force in his rear, had determined Washington to allow him to
proceed to the Delaware, if such should be his intention. In that
event, he had determined to throw those impediments only in the way of
the hostile army which might harass and retard its march; and,
maintaining the high and secure grounds north of the road to be taken
by the enemy, to watch for an opportunity of striking some important
blow with manifest advantage.
He was not long in penetrating the designs of his adversary. "The
views of the enemy," he writes to General Arnold in a letter of the
17th, "must be to destroy this army, and get possession of
Philadelphia. I am, however, clearly of opinion, that they will not
move that way until they have endeavoured to give a severe blow to
this army. The risk would be too great to attempt to cross a river,
when they must expect to meet a formidable opposition in front, and
would have such a force as ours in their rear. They might possibly be
successful, but the probability would be infinitely against them.
Should they be imprudent enough to make the attempt, I shall keep
close upon their heels, and will do every thing in my power to make
the project fatal to them.
"But, besides the argument in favour of their intending, in the first
place, a stroke at this army, drawn from the policy of the measure,
every appearance contributes to confirm the opinion. Had their design
been for the Delaware in the first instance, they would probably have
made a secret, rapid march for it, and not have halted so as to awaken
our attention, and give us time to prepare for obstructing them.
Instead of that they have only advanced to a position necessary to
facilitate an attack on our right, the part in which we are most
exposed. In addition to this circumstance, they have come out as light
as possible, leaving all their baggage, provisions, boats, and
bridges, at Brunswick. This plainly contradicts the idea of their
intending to push for the Delaware."
[Sidenote: Returns to Amboy.]
Finding the American army could not be drawn from its strong position,
General Howe determined to waste no more time in threatening
Philadelphia by land, but to withdraw from Jersey, and to embark his
army as expeditiously as possible for the Chesapeake or the Delaware.
On the night of the 19th he returned to Brunswick, and on the 22d to
Amboy, from which place, the heavy baggage and a few of his troops
passed into Staten Island, on the bridge which had been designed for
the Delaware.
General Washington had expected this movement from Brunswick, and had
made arrangements to derive some advantage from it. General Greene was
detached with three brigades to annoy the British rear; and Sullivan
and Maxwell were ordered to co-operate with him. In the mean time the
army paraded on the heights of Middlebrook, ready to act as
circumstances might require.
About sunrise, Colonel Morgan drove in a piquet guard, soon after
which that division commenced its march to Amboy. Some sharp
skirmishing took place between this party and Morgan's regiment, but
the hope of gaining any important advantage was entirely disappointed;
and the retreat to Amboy was effected with inconsiderable loss.
{June 24.}
In order to cover his light parties, which still hung on the British
flank and rear, General Washington advanced six or seven miles, to
Quibbletown on the road to Amboy; and Lord Stirling's division was
pushed still farther, to the neighbourhood of the Metucking Meeting
House, for the purpose of co-operating with the light parties, should
the retreat to Staten Island afford an opportunity of striking at the
rear.
[Sidenote: Endeavors to cut off the retreat of the American army to
Middlebrook, but is disappointed.]
Believing it now practicable to bring on an engagement, and probably
hoping to turn the left of the American army, and gain the heights in
its rear, General Howe, in the night of the 25th, recalled the troops
from Staten Island; and, early next morning, made a rapid movement, in
two columns, towards Westfield. The right, under the command of Lord
Cornwallis, took the route by Woodbridge to the Scotch Plains; and the
left, led by Sir William Howe in person, marched by Metucking Meeting
House, to fall into the rear of the right column. It was intended that
the left should take a separate road, soon after this junction, and
attack the left flank of the American army at Quibbletown; while Lord
Cornwallis should gain the heights on the left of the camp at
Middlebrook. Four battalions with six pieces of cannon were detached
to Bonhamtown.[60]
[Footnote 60: General Howe's letter.]
[Sidenote: Lord Cornwallis skirmishes near the Scotch Plains with Lord
Stirling.]
{June 30.}
About Woodbridge, the right column fell in with one of the American
parties of observation which gave notice of this movement. General
Washington discerned his danger, put the whole army instantly in
motion, and regained the camp at Middlebrook. Lord Cornwallis fell in
with Lord Stirling, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which the
Americans were driven from their ground with the loss of three field
pieces, and a few men. They retreated to the hills about the Scotch
Plains, and were pursued as far as Westfield. Perceiving the passes in
the mountains on the left of the American camp to be guarded, and the
object of this skilful manoeuvre to be, consequently, unattainable,
his lordship returned through Rahway to Amboy; and the whole army
crossed over to Staten Island.
{July 2.}
General Washington was now again left to his conjectures respecting
the plan of the campaign. Before Sir William Howe had, in any degree
disclosed his views, intelligence was received of the appearance of
Burgoyne on Lake Champlain, and that Ticonderoga was threatened. This
intelligence strengthened the opinion that the design of Howe must be
to seize the passes in the mountains on the Hudson, secure the command
of that river, and effect a junction between the two armies. Yet he
could not permit himself to yield so entirely to this impression, as
to make a movement which might open the way by land to Philadelphia.
His army therefore maintained its station at Middlebrook; but
arrangements were made to repel any sudden attack on the posts which
defended the Hudson.
Some changes made in the stations of the British ships and troops
having relieved the American general from his apprehensions of a
sudden march to Philadelphia, he advanced Sullivan's division to
Pompton Plains, on the way to Peekskill; and proceeded with the main
body of his army, to Morristown;--thus approaching the highlands of
New York, without removing so far from Middlebrook as to be unable to
regain that camp should General Howe indicate an intention to seize
it.
Meanwhile, the British General prosecuted, diligently, his plan of
embarkation, which was, necessarily, attended with circumstances
indicating a much longer voyage than that up the North River. These
circumstances were immediately communicated to the eastern states, and
congress was earnestly pressed to strengthen the fortifications on the
Delaware, and to increase the obstructions in that river.
{July 16.}
In the midst of these appearances, certain intelligence was received
that Burgoyne was in great force on the lakes, and was advancing
against Ticonderoga. This intelligence confirmed the opinion that the
main object of Howe must be to effect a junction with Burgoyne on the
North River. Under this impression, General Washington ordered
Sullivan to Peekskill, and advanced, himself, first to Pompton Plains,
and afterwards to the Clove, where he determined to remain until the
views of the enemy should be disclosed.
While the General thus anxiously watched the movements of his
adversary, an agreeable and unexpected piece of intelligence was
received from New England. The command of the British troops in Rhode
Island had devolved on General Prescot. Thinking himself perfectly
secure in an island, the water surrounding which was believed to be
entirely guarded by his cruisers, and at the head of an army greatly
superior to any force then collected in that department, he indulged
himself in convenient quarters, rather distant from camp; and was
remiss with respect to the guards about his person. Information of
this negligence was communicated to the main, and a plan was formed to
surprise him. This spirited enterprise was executed, with equal
courage and address, by Lieutenant Colonel Barton of the Rhode Island
militia.
[Sidenote: General Prescot surprised and taken.]
On the night of the 10th, he embarked on board four whale boats, at
Warwick Neck, with a party consisting of about forty persons,
including Captains Adams and Philips, and several other officers.
After proceeding about ten miles by water, unobserved by the British
guard-boats, although several ships of war lay in that quarter, he
landed on the west of the island, about midway between Newport and
Bristol ferry, and marching a mile to the quarters of Prescot,
dexterously seized the sentinel at his door, and one of his aids. The
general himself was taken out of bed, and conveyed to a place of
safety.
The success of this intrepid enterprise diffused the more joy
throughout America, because it was supposed to secure the liberation
of General Lee, by enabling General Washington to offer an officer of
equal rank in exchange for him.
Congress expressed a high sense of the gallant conduct of Colonel
Barton, and his party; and presented him with a sword as a mark of
approbation.
As the fleet fell down towards Sandy Hook, General Washington withdrew
slowly from the Clove, and disposed his army in different divisions,
so as to march to any point which might be attacked.
[Sidenote: The British army embarks.]
At length, the embarkation was completed, and the fleet put to sea.
CHAPTER VIII.
General Washington commences his march to the Delaware....
Takes measures for checking Burgoyne.... British army lands
at Elk River.... General Washington advances to
Brandywine.... Retreat of Maxwell.... Defeat at
Brandywine.... Slight skirmish near the White Horse, and
retreat to French Creek.... General Wayne surprised....
General Howe takes possession of Philadelphia.... Removal of
Congress to Lancaster.
{1777}
{July.}
[Sidenote: General Washington commences his march to the Delaware.]
On receiving intelligence that the British fleet had sailed from New
York, the American army commenced its march to the Delaware. About the
time of its departure, a letter from Sir William Howe, directed to
General Burgoyne at Quebec, was delivered to General Putnam by the
person who had received it, as was said, for the purpose of carrying
it to Quebec, and was transmitted by Putnam to the Commander-in-chief.
In this letter, General Howe said that "he was exhibiting the
appearance of moving to the southward, while his real intent was
against Boston, from whence he would co-operate with the army of
Canada." This stratagem entirely failed. General Washington, at once,
perceived that the letter was written with a design that it should
fall into his hands, and mislead him with respect to the views of the
writer.
[Sidenote: He takes measures for checking Burgoyne.]
While the utmost vigilance and judgment were required to conduct the
operations of the army under the immediate command of General
Washington, the transactions in the north were too vitally interesting
not to engage a large share of his attention. He not only hastened the
march of those generals who were designed to act in that department,
and pressed the governors of the eastern states to reinforce the
retreating army with all their militia, but made large detachments of
choice troops from his own;--thus weakening himself in order to
strengthen other generals whose strength would be more useful. The
fame of being himself the leader of the victorious army did not, with
false glare, dazzle his judgment, or conceal the superior public
advantage to be derived from defeating the plans of Burgoyne.
On the 30th of July, all doubts respecting the destination of the
British fleet were supposed to be removed by its appearance off the
capes of Delaware; and orders were immediately given for assembling
the detached parts of the army in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia.
Scarcely were these orders given, when the aspect of affairs was
changed, and they were countermanded. An express from Cape May brought
the information that the fleet had sailed out of the bay of Delaware,
and was proceeding eastward. From this time, no intelligence
respecting it was received until about the 7th of August, when it
appeared a few leagues south of the capes of Delaware, after which it
disappeared, and was not again seen until late in that month. The fact
was, that on entering the capes of Delaware, the difficulties
attending an attempt to carry his fleet up that bay and river,
determined General Howe to relinquish his original design, and to
transport his army to the Chesapeake. Contrary winds prevented his
gaining the mouth of that bay until the 16th of August.
The several divisions of the army were immediately ordered[61] to
unite in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, and the militia of
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and the northern counties of
Virginia, were directed to take the field.
[Footnote 61: These orders were received by General
Sullivan, who had been encamped about Hanover, in Jersey, on
his return from an expedition to Staten Island. The British
force on that island amounted to between two and three
thousand men, of whom nearly one thousand were provincials,
who were distributed along the coast, opposite the Jersey
shore. The Europeans occupied a fortified camp near the
watering place; and General Sullivan thought it practicable
to surprise the provincials, and bring them off before they
could be supported by the Europeans. Only six boats had been
procured for the conveyance of his troops; yet they crossed
over into the island before day undiscovered, and completely
surprised two of the provincial parties, commanded by
Colonels Lawrence and Barton, both of whom, with several
officers and men were taken. The alarm being given, Sullivan
attempted to withdraw from the island. The number of boats
not being sufficient for the embarkation of all his troops
at the same time, some confusion obtained among them.
General Campbell advanced in force on the rear guard while
waiting for the return of the boats, which was captured
after making a gallant resistance.
This enterprise was well planned, and in its commencement,
happily executed; but ought not to have been undertaken
without a number of boats sufficient to secure the retreat.
The loss of the British in prisoners amounted to eleven
officers, and one hundred and thirty privates. That of the
Americans, is stated by Sullivan, at one major, one captain,
one lieutenant, and ten privates killed, and fifteen
wounded, and nine officers, and one hundred and twenty-seven
privates prisoners. General Campbell, in his account of the
action says, that he made two hundred and fifty-nine
prisoners, among whom were one lieutenant colonel, three
majors, two captains, and fifteen inferior officers.]
[Sidenote: British fleet comes up the Chesapeake and lands an army
under Sir William Howe at Elk River.]
The British fleet, after entering the Chesapeake, sailed up it with
favourable winds, and entered Elk River, up which the admiral
proceeded as high as it was safely navigable; and on the 25th of
August the troops were landed at the ferry.
The British army, at its disembarkation, has been generally computed
at eighteen thousand men. They were in good health and spirits,
admirably supplied with all the implements of war, and led by an
experienced general, of unquestionable military talents.
[Sidenote: General Washington advances to Brandywine.]
The day before Sir William Howe landed, the American army marched
through Philadelphia, and proceeded to the Brandywine. The divisions
of Greene and Stephen were advanced nearer to the Head of Elk, and
encamped behind White Clay creek.
Congress had directed General Smallwood and Colonel Girt to take
command of the militia of Maryland, who had been ordered by General
Washington to assemble near the head of the bay. The militia of the
lower counties of Delaware, commanded by General Rodney, were directed
also to assemble in the British rear, and to co-operate with those of
Maryland. Colonel Richardson's continental regiment, which had been
stationed on the Eastern shore, was ordered to join this corps.
The militia of Pennsylvania, commanded by Major General Armstrong,
were united with the main body of the army. Great exertions were used
to bring them promptly into the field, and they came forward generally
with some degree of alacrity. Although the numbers required by
congress did not assemble, more appeared than could be armed.
The real strength of the American army can not be accurately stated.
It was estimated by Sir William Howe at fifteen thousand, including
militia; and this estimate did not far exceed their real total, as
exhibited by the returns. But it is a fact, attributable in some
degree to the badness of their clothing, and scarcity of tents, and in
some degree to the neglect of the commissary department, to provide
those articles of food which contribute to the preservation of health,
that the effective force was always far below the total number. The
effectives, including militia, did not exceed eleven thousand.
Morgan's regiment of riflemen having been detached to the northern
army, a corps of light infantry was formed for the occasion, the
command of which was given to General Maxwell. This corps was advanced
to Iron Hill, about three miles in front of White Clay creek. The
cavalry, consisting of four regiments, amounting to about nine hundred
men, including persons of every description, were employed principally
on the lines.
[Sidenote: Lord Cornwallis attacks Maxwell's corps, and compels them
to retreat.]
One division of the British army, commanded by Sir William Howe in
person, had taken post at Elkton, with its van advanced to Gray's
Hill. General Knyphausen, with a second division, had crossed the
ferry and encamped at Cecil Court House. He was directed to march up
on the eastern side of the river, and to join Sir William Howe seven
or eight miles south of Christiana. The intention to make this
movement being disclosed by the preparatory arrangements, General
Washington advised Maxwell to post a choice body of men in the night
on an advantageous part of the road, in order to annoy him on his
march. In the morning of the third of September, the two divisions
under Lord Cornwallis and General Knyphausen, moved forward and formed
a junction at Pencader, or Atkins' tavern, where they encamped. In
their way, the column led by Lord Cornwallis fell in with and attacked
Maxwell, who retreated over White Clay creek, with the loss of about
forty killed and wounded.
{September 5.}
The whole American army, except the light infantry, took a position
behind Red Clay creek, on the road leading from the camp of Sir
William Howe to Philadelphia. On this ground, the General thought it
probable that the fate of Philadelphia, and of the campaign, might be
decided; and he resorted to all the means in his power to encourage
his troops, and stimulate them to the greatest exertions.
{September 8.}
On the 8th of September, the British army was again put in motion. The
main body advanced by Newark, upon the right of the Americans, and
encamped within four miles of that place, extending its left still
farther up the country. Meanwhile, a strong column made a show of
attacking in front, and, after manoeuvring some time, halted at
Milton, within two miles of the centre.
{September 9.}
General Washington was soon convinced that the column in front was
designed only to amuse, while the left should effect the principal and
real object. Believing that object to be to turn his right, and cut
off his communication with Philadelphia, he changed his ground, and,
crossing the Brandywine early in the night, took post behind that
river, at Chadd's Ford. General Maxwell was advanced in front, and
placed, advantageously, on the hills south of the river, on the road
leading over the ford. The militia, under General Armstrong, were
posted at a ford two miles below Chadd's; and the right extended some
miles above, with a view to other passes deemed less practicable. In
this position, General Washington attended the movements of the
adverse army.
In the evening, Howe marched forward in two columns, which united,
early the next morning, at Kennet's Square; after which he advanced
parties on the roads leading to Lancaster, to Chadd's Ford, and to
Wilmington.
The armies were now within seven miles of each other, with only the
Brandywine between them, which opposed no obstacle to a general
engagement. This was sought by Howe, and not avoided by Washington. It
was impossible to protect Philadelphia without a victory, and this
object was deemed throughout America, and especially by congress, of
such magnitude as to require that an action should be hazarded for its
attainment.
In the morning of the 11th, soon after day, information was received
that the whole British army was in motion, advancing on the direct
road leading over Chadd's Ford. The Americans were immediately under
arms, and placed in order of battle, for the purpose of contesting the
passage of the river. Skirmishing soon commenced between the advanced
parties; and, by ten, Maxwell's corps, with little loss on either
side, was driven over the Brandywine below the ford. Knyphausen, who
commanded this column, paraded on the heights, reconnoitred the
American army, and appeared to be making dispositions to force the
passage of the river. A skirt of woods, with the river, divided him
from Maxwell's corps, small parties of whom occasionally crossed over,
and kept up a scattering fire, by which not much execution was done.
At length one of these parties, led by Captains Waggoner and
Porterfield, engaged the British flank guard very closely, killed a
captain with ten or fifteen privates, drove them out of the wood, and
were on the point of taking a field piece. The sharpness of the
skirmish soon drew a large body of the British to that quarter, and
the Americans were again driven over the Brandywine.[62]