The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2 (of 5)
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In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept
no regular one during that expedition: rough minutes of occurrences I
certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely
metamorphosed--some parts left out which I remember were entered, and
many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and
things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what I saw Englished,
is very incorrect and nonsensical:--yet, I will not pretend to say
that the little body who brought it to me, has not made a literal
translation, and a good one.
Short as my time is, I can not help remarking on Villiers' account of
the battle of, and transactions at the Meadows, as it is very
extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the
French received the first fire. It is well known that we received it
at six hundred paces distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to
retreat in the most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is
this consistent with his other account? He acknowledges that we
sustained the attack, warmly, from ten in the morning until dark, and
that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were
not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had
adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his
offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches,
and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be
sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might
also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vain
glory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second
proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such
as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly deceived by our
interpreter in regard to the word _assassination_, I do aver, and will
to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The
interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue,
therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in
English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is,
he called it the _death_, or the _loss_ of the Sieur Jumonville. So we
received and so we understood it, until to our great surprise and
mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation. That we
left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is certain; that there was
not even a possibility to bring them away is equally certain, as we
had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the
action; so that it was impracticable to bring any thing off that our
shoulders were not able to bear, and to wait there was impossible, for
we had scarce three days provisions, and were seventy miles from a
supply; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false;
notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their Indians
to pillage our baggage, and commit all kinds of irregularity, we were
with them until ten o'clock the next day; we destroyed our powder and
other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falling
into their hands, as we could not bring it off. When we had got about
a mile from the place of action, we missed two or three of the
wounded, and sent a party back to bring them up-this is the party he
speaks of. We brought them all safe off, and encamped within three
miles of the Meadows. These are circumstances, I think, that make it
evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of danger. The
colours he speaks of to be left, was a large flag of immense size and
weight; our regimental colours were brought off and are now in my
possession. Their gasconades, and boasted clemency, must appear in the
most ludicrous light to every considerate person who reads Villiers'
journal;--such preparations for an attack, such vigour and intrepidity
as he pretends to have conducted his march with, such revenge, as by
his own account, appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly be
thought that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. But to
sum up the whole, Mr. Villiers pays himself no great compliment, in
saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were adjusted. We
surely could not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after
capitulation, it was a reflection upon himself.
I do not doubt, but your good nature will excuse the badness of my
paper, and the incoherence of my writing--think you see me in a public
house in a crowd, surrounded with noise, and you hit my case. You do
me particular honour in offering your friendship: I wish I may be so
happy as always to merit it, and deserve your correspondence, which I
should be glad to cultivate.
* * * * *
NOTE--No. III. _See Page 51._
SIR,-We your most obedient and affectionate officers, beg leave to
express our great concern, at the disagreeable news we have received
of your determination to resign the command of that corps, in which we
have under you long served.
The happiness we have enjoyed, and the honour we have acquired
together, with the mutual regard that has always subsisted between you
and your officers, have implanted so sensible an affection in the
minds of us all, that we can not be silent on this critical occasion.
In our earliest infancy you took us under your tuition, trained us up
in the practice of that discipline, which alone can constitute good
troops, from the punctual observance of which you never suffered the
least deviation.
Your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick discernment,
and invariable regard to merit, wisely intended to inculcate those
genuine sentiments of true honour and passion for glory, from which
the greatest military achievements have been derived, first heightened
our natural emulation and our desire to excel. How much we improved by
those regulations and your own example, with what alacrity we have
hitherto discharged our duty, with what cheerfulness we have
encountered the severest toils, especially while under your particular
directions, we submit to yourself, and natter ourselves that we have
in a great measure answered your expectations.
Judge, then, how sensibly we must be affected with the loss of such an
excellent commander, such a sincere friend, and so affable a
companion. How rare is it to find those amiable qualifications blended
together in one man! How great the loss of such a man! Adieu to that
superiority, which the enemy have granted us over other troops, and
which even the regulars and provincials have done us the honour
publicly to acknowledge! Adieu to that strict discipline and order,
which you have always maintained! Adieu to that happy union and
harmony, which have been our principal cement!
It gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find our unhappy
country will receive a loss no less irreparable than our own. Where
will it meet a man so experienced in military affairs--one so renowned
for patriotism, conduct, and courage? Who has so great a knowledge of
the enemy we have to deal with?--who so well acquainted with their
situation and strength?--who so much respected by the soldiery?--who,
in short, so able to support the military character of Virginia?
Your approved love to your king and country, and your uncommon
perseverance in promoting the honour and true interest of the service,
convince us that the most cogent reasons only could induce you to quit
it; yet we, with the greatest deference, presume to intreat you to
suspend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us on to assist
in the glorious work of extirpating our enemies, towards which, so
considerable advances have been already made. In you, we place the
most implicit confidence. Your presence only will cause a steady
firmness and vigour to actuate in every breast, despising the greatest
dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while led on by
the man we know and love.
But if we must be so unhappy as to part, if the exigencies of your
affairs force you to abandon us, we beg it as our last request, that
you will recommend some person most capable to command, whose military
knowledge, whose honour, whose conduct, and whose disinterested
principles, we may depend on.
Frankness, sincerity, and a certain openness of soul, are the true
characteristics of an officer, and we flatter ourselves that you do
not think us capable of saying any thing contrary to the purest
dictates of our minds. Fully persuaded of this, we beg leave to assure
you, that, as you have hitherto been the actuating soul of our whole
corps, we shall at all times pay the most invariable regard to your
will and pleasure, and will always be happy to demonstrate by our
actions with how much respect and esteem we are, &c.
* * * * *
NOTE--No. IV. _See Page 54._
The delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts
Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina:
To George Washington, esquire.
We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour,
conduct, and fidelity, do, by these presents constitute and appoint
you to be general and commander-in-chief of the army of the United
Colonies, and of all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them,
and of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service, and join
the said army for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling
every hostile invasion thereof: and you are hereby invested with full
power and authority to act as you shall think for the good and welfare
of the service.
And we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers
under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the
exercise of their several duties.
And we also enjoin and require you to be careful in executing the
great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and order to
be observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and
provided with all convenient necessaries.
And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules and
discipline of war, (as herewith given you) and punctually to observe
and follow such orders and directions from time to time as you shall
receive from this or a future congress of these United Colonies, or
committee of congress.
This commission to continue in force, until revoked by us, or a future
congress.
* * * * *
NOTE--No. V. _See Page 78._
_This letter is so truly characteristic of the writer, and treats in a
manner so peculiar to himself, the measures of congress on this
subject, that, although it may not be immediately connected with the
Life of General Washington, the reader will not be displeased with its
insertion._
Stamford, January 22, 1779.
SIR,--As General Washington has informed the congress of his motives
for detaching me, it is needless to trouble you upon the subject. I am
therefore only to inform you that I have collected a body of about
twelve hundred men from the colony of Connecticut, whose zeal and
ardour demonstrated on this occasion can not be sufficiently praised.
With this body I am marching directly to New York to execute the
different purposes for which I am detached. I am sensible, sir, that
nothing can carry the air of greater presumption than a servant
intruding his opinion unasked upon his master, but at the same time
there are certain seasons when the real danger of the master may not
only excuse, but render laudable, the servant's officiousness. I
therefore flatter myself that the congress will receive with
indulgence and lenity the opinion I shall offer. The scheme of simply
disarming the tories seems to me totally ineffectual; it will only
embitter their minds and add virus to their venom. They can, and will,
always be supplied with fresh arms by the enemy. That of seizing the
most dangerous will, I apprehend, from the vagueness of the
instruction, be attended with some bad consequences, and can answer no
good one. It opens so wide a door for partiality and prejudice to the
different congresses and committees on the continent, that much
discord and animosity will probably ensue; it being next to impossible
to distinguish who are, and who are not the most dangerous. The plan
of explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits of the
American cause is certainly generous and humane, but I am afraid, will
be fruitless. They are so riveted in their opinions, that I am
persuaded should an angel descend from heaven with his golden trumpet,
and ring in their ears that their conduct was criminal, he would be
disregarded. I had lately myself an instance of their infatuation
which, if it is not impertinent, I will relate. At Newport I took the
liberty, without any authority but the conviction of necessity, to
administer a very strong oath to some of the leading tories, for which
liberty I humbly ask pardon of the congress. One article of this oath
was to take arms in defence of their country, if called upon by the
voice of the congress. To this Colonel Wanton and others flatly
refused their assent; to take arms against their sovereign, they said,
was too monstrous an impiety. I asked them if they had lived at the
time of the revolution whether they would have been
revolutionists--their answers were at first evasive, circuitous, and
unintelligible, but, by fixing them down precisely to the question, I
at length drew from them a positive confession that no violence, no
provocation on the part of the court, could prevail upon them to act
with the continent. Such, I am afraid, is the creed and principles of
the whole party great and small.--Sense, reason, argument, and
eloquence, have been expended in vain; and in vain you may still argue
and reason to the end of time. Even the common feelings and
resentments of humanity have not aroused them, but rather with a
malignant pleasure they have beheld the destruction of their
fellow-citizens and relations. But I am running into declamation,
perhaps impertinent and presuming, when I ought to confine myself to
the scheme I submit to your consideration. It is, sir, in the first
place, to disarm all the manifestly disaffected, as well of the lower
as the higher class, not on the principle of putting them in a state
of impotence (for this I observed before will not be the case) but to
supply our troops with arms of which they stand in too great need.
Secondly, to appraise their estates and oblige them to deposite at
least the value of one half of their respective property in the hands
of the continental congress as a security for their good behaviour.
And lastly, to administer the strongest oath that can be devised to
act offensively and defensively in support of the common rights. I
confess that men so eaten up with bigotry, as the bulk of them appear
to be, will not consider themselves as bound by this oath;
particularly as it is in some measure forced, they will argue that it
is by no means obligatory; but if I mistake not, it will be a sort of
criterion by which you will be able to distinguish the desperate
fanatics from those who are reclaimable. The former must of course be
secured and carried to some interior parts of the continent where they
can not be dangerous. This mode of proceeding I conceive (if any can)
will be effectual--but whether it meets with the approbation or
disapprobation of the congress, I most humbly conjure them not to
attribute the proposal to arrogance, or self-conceit, or pragmatical
officiousness, but, at worst, to an intemperate zeal for the public
service.
Notwithstanding the apparent slimness of the authority, as I am myself
convinced that it is substantial, I think it my duty to communicate a
circumstance to congress. I have with me here, sir, a deserter from
Captain Wallace's ship before Newport. It is necessary to inform you
that this Captain Wallace has the reputation of being the most
imprudent and rash of all mortals--particularly when he is heated with
wine, which, as reported, is a daily incident: that in these moments
he blabs his most secret instructions even to the common men. This
deserter, then, informs us that the captain a few days ago assembled
the sailors and marines on the quarter-deck, and assured them, by way
of encouragement, that they were to proceed very soon to New York,
where they were to be joined by his majesty's most loyal subjects of
White Plains, Poughkeepsie, and Long Island, and at the same time
bestowed abundantly his curses on the admiral and general for their
dilatoriness and scandalous conduct in not availing themselves sooner
of the invitation they had received from the worthy gentlemen. The
congress will make what comments they please on this information,
which I must repeat I thought it my duty to communicate. Upon the
whole, sir, you may be assured that it is the intention of the
ministerialists to take possession, and immediately, of New York. The
intercepted letters, the unguarded expressions of their officers, in
their interviews with ours on the lines, but above all the manifest
advantages resulting to their cause from this measure, put their
intention beyond dispute. With submission therefore to the wisdom of
the congress, it behooves them, I should think, not to lose a moment
in securing this important post, which, if in the hands of the enemy,
must cut the continent in twain, and render it almost impossible for
the northern and southern colonies to support each other. This crisis,
when every thing is at stake, is not a time to be over complacent to
the timidity of the inhabitants of any particular spot. I have now
under my command a respectable force adequate to the purpose of
securing the place, and purging all its environs of traitors, on which
subject I shall expect with impatience the determination of the
congress. Their orders I hope to receive before or immediately on my
arrival.
This instant, the enclosed, express from the provincial congress of
New York, was delivered into my hands, but as these gentlemen probably
are not fully apprised of the danger hanging over their heads, as I
have received intelligence from the camp that the fleet is sailed, and
that it is necessary to urge my march, I shall proceed with one
division of the forces under my command to that city. A moment's delay
may be fatal. The force I shall carry with me is not strong enough to
act offensively, but just sufficient to secure the city against any
immediate designs of the enemy. If this is to give umbrage, if the
governor and captain of the man of war are pleased to construe this
step as an act of positive hostility, if they are to prescribe what
number of your troops are and what number are not to enter the city,
all I can say is that New York must be considered as the minister's
place, and not the continent. I must now, sir, beg pardon for the
length of this letter, and more so, for the presumption in offering so
freely my thoughts to the congress, from whom it is my duty simply to
receive my orders, and as a servant and soldier strictly to obey;
which none can do with greater ardour and affection than,
Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
CHARLES LEE.
To the honourable John Hancock, esquire, president of the continental
congress.
* * * * *
NOTE--No. VI. _See Page 153._
THE NAMES OF THE MEMBERS WHO SUBSCRIBED THE DECLARATION OF
INDEPENDENCE WERE AS FOLLOWS, VIZ:
_New Hampshire._
Josiah Bartlett,
William Whipple,
Matthew Thornton.
_Massachusetts Bay._
Samuel Adams,
John Adams,
Robert Treat Paine,
Elbridge Gerry.
_Rhode Island, &c._
Stephen Hopkins,
William Ellery.
_Connecticut._
Roger Sherman,
Samuel Huntington,
William Williams,
Oliver Wolcott.
_New York._
William Floyd,
Philip Livingston,
Francis Lewis,
Lewis Morris.
_New Jersey._
Richard Stockton,
John Witherspoon,
Francis Hopkinson,
John Hart,
Abram Clark.
_Pennsylvania._
Robert Morris,
Benjamin Rush,
Benjamin Franklin,
John Morton,
George Clymer,
James Smith,
George Taylor,
James Wilson,
George Ross.
_Delaware._
Cesar Rodney,
George Reed.
_Maryland._
Samuel Chase,
William Paca,
Thomas Stone,
Charles Carroll, _of Carrollton_.
_Virginia._
George Wythe,
Richard Henry Lee,
Thomas Jefferson,
Benjamin Harrison,
Thomas Nelson, jun.
Francis Lightfoot Lee,
Carter Braxton.
_North Carolina._
William Hooper,
Joseph Hughes,
John Penn.
_South Carolina._
Edward Rutledge,
Thomas Heyward, jun.
Thomas Lynch, jun.
Arthur Middleton.
_Georgia._
Button Gwinn,
George Walton,
Lyman Hall.
The people of the United States have taken such universal interest in
the composition of this celebrated instrument as to excuse a more
minute attention to it than has been bestowed on the other
cotemporaneous state papers.
Mr. Jefferson has preserved a copy of the original draft as reported
by the committee, with the amendments made to it in congress, which
has been published in his correspondence. The following is extracted
from that work.
_Mr. Jefferson's draft as _As amended by congress._
reported by the committee._
A declaration by the A declaration by the
representatives of the representatives of the
United States of America United States of America
in _general_ congress in congress assembled.
assembled.
When in the course of
human events it becomes
necessary for one people to
dissolve the political bonds
which have connected them
with another, and to assume
among the powers of the
earth the separate and equal Not altered.
station to which the laws of
nature and of nature's God
entitle them, a decent respect
for the opinions of mankind
requires that they should
declare the causes which impel
them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be We hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are self-evident, that all men are
created equal; that they are created equal; that they are
endowed by their creator with endowed by their creator with
_inherent and_ inalienable _certain_ inalienable rights;
rights; that among these are that among these are life,
life, liberty, and the pursuit liberty, and the pursuit of
of happiness; that to secure happiness; that to secure
these rights, governments are these rights, governments are
instituted among men, deriving instituted among men, deriving
their just powers from their just powers from
the consent of the governed; the consent of the governed;
that whenever any form of that whenever any form of
government becomes destructive government becomes destructive
of these ends, it is the of these ends, it is the
right of the people to alter or right of the people to alter or
to abolish it, and to institute to abolish it, and to institute
new government, laying its new government, laying its
foundation on such principles, foundation on such principles,
and organising its powers in and organising its powers in
such form, as to them shall such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their seem most likely to effect their
safety and happiness. Prudence safety and happiness. Prudence
indeed will dictate that indeed will dictate that
governments long established governments long established
should not be changed for should not be changed for
light and transient causes; light and transient causes;
and accordingly all experience and accordingly all experience
hath shown that mankind are hath shown that mankind are
more disposed to suffer while more disposed to suffer while
evils are sufferable, than to evils are sufferable, than to
right themselves by abolishing right themselves by abolishing
the forms to which they the forms to which they
are accustomed. But when a are accustomed. But when a
long train of abuses and long train of abuses and
usurpations _begun at a usurpations pursuing
distinguished period and_ invariably the same object,
pursuing invariably the same evinces a design to reduce
object, evinces a design to them under absolute despotism,
reduce them under absolute it is their right, it is
despotism, it is their right, their duty to throw off such
it is their duty to throw off government, and to provide
such government, and to provide new guards for their future
new guards for their security. Such has been the
future security. Such has patient sufferance of these
been the patient sufferings of colonies, and such is now the
these colonies; and such is necessity which constrains
now the necessity which constrains them to _alter_ their former
them to _expunge_ their systems of government. The
former systems of government. history of the present king of
The history of the Great Britain is a history of
present king of Great Britain _repeated_ injuries and
is a history of _unremitting_ usurpations, _all having_
injuries and usurpations in direct object
_among which appears no the establishment of an
solitary fact to contradict the absolute tyranny over these
uniform tenor of the rest, but states. To prove this let facts
all have_ in direct object the be submitted to a candid
establishment of an absolute world.
tyranny over these states. To
prove this let facts be submitted
to a candid world, _for
the truth of which we pledge
a faith yet unsullied by
falsehood_.