The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2 (of 5)
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NOTE--No. XI. _See Page 414._
_The following are the letters which passed between the two generals
on this subject:_
Albany, December 18, 1777.
SIR,--I shall not attempt to describe what, as a private gentleman, I
can not help feeling, on representing to my mind the disagreeable
situation which confidential letters, when exposed to public
inspection, may place an unsuspecting correspondent in; but, as a
public officer, I conjure your excellency, to give me all the
assistance you can, in tracing out the author of the infidelity, which
put extracts from General Conway's letters to me into your hands.
Those letters have been stealingly copied; but, which of them, when,
or by whom, is to me, as yet, an unfathomable secret.
There is not one officer in my suite, or amongst those who have a free
access to me, upon whom I could, with the least justification to
myself, fix the suspicion; and yet, my uneasiness may deprive me of
the usefulness of the worthiest men. It is, I believe, in your
excellency's power to do me, and the United States, a very important
service, by detecting a wretch who may betray me, and capitally injure
the very operations under your immediate direction. For this reason,
sir, I beg your excellency will favour me with the proofs you can
procure to that effect. But, the crime being, eventually so important,
that the least loss of time may be attended with the worst
consequences; and, it being unknown to me whether the letter came to
you from a member of congress, or from an officer, I shall have the
honour of transmitting a copy of this to the president, that congress
may, in concert with your excellency, obtain, as soon as possible, a
discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the states. Crimes of
that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished.
I have the honour to be,
Sir, With the greatest respect,
Your excellency's most humble and most obedient servant,
HORATIO GATES.
His excellency General Washington.
* * * * *
Valley Forge, January 4, 1778.
SIR,--Your letter of the 18th ultimo, came to my hands a few days ago,
and to my great surprise informed me, that a copy of it had been sent
to congress, for what reason, I find myself unable to account; but, as
some end doubtless was intended to be answered by it, I am laid under
the disagreeable necessity of returning my answer through the same
channel, lest any member of that honourable body should harbour an
unfavourable suspicion of my having practised some indiscreet means to
come at the contents of the confidential letters between you and
General Conway.
I am to inform you then, that ----, on his way to congress in the
month of October last, fell in with Lord Stirling at Reading: and, not
in confidence that I ever understood, informed his aid-de-camp, Major
M'Williams, that General Conway had written thus to you, "heaven has
been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad
counsellors[106] would have ruined it." Lord Stirling, from motives of
friendship, transmitted the account with this remark. "The enclosed
was communicated by ---- to Major M'Williams; such wicked duplicity of
conduct I shall always think it my duty to detect."
[Footnote 106: One of whom, by the by, he was.]
In consequence of this information, and without having any thing more
in view, than merely to show that gentleman that I was not unapprised
of his intriguing disposition, I wrote him a letter in these words.
"Sir, a letter which I received last night contained the following
paragraph.
"In a letter from General Conway to General Gates, he says, heaven has
been determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad
counsellors would have ruined it. I am, sir, &c."
Neither the letter, nor the information which occasioned it, was ever,
directly, or indirectly, communicated by me to a single officer in
this army (out of my own family) excepting the Marquis de Lafayette,
who having been spoken to on the subject, by General Conway, applied
for, and saw, under injunctions of secrecy, the letter which contained
this information; so desirous was I of concealing every matter that
could, in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to the
tranquillity of this army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by
dissensions therein.
Thus, sir, with an openness and candour, which I hope will ever
characterize and mark my conduct, have I complied with your request.
The only concern I feel upon the occasion, finding how matters stand,
is, that in doing this, I have necessarily been obliged to name a
gentleman, who, I am persuaded, (although I never exchanged a word
with him upon the subject) thought he was rather doing an act of
justice, than committing an act of infidelity; and sure I am, that,
until Lord Stirling's letter came to my hands, I never knew that
General Conway, (whom I viewed in the light of a stranger to you) was
a correspondent of yours, much less did I suspect that I was the
subject of your confidential letters. Pardon me then for adding, that,
so far from conceiving that the safety of the states can be affected,
or in the smallest degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, or
that I should be called upon in such solemn terms to point out the
author, that I considered the information as coming from yourself, and
given with a friendly view to forewarn, and consequently forearm me,
against a secret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous incendiary, in
which character sooner or later, this country will know General
Conway. But, in this, as well as other matters of late, I have found
myself mistaken. I am, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.
To Major General Gates.
* * * * *
NOTE--No. XII. _See Page 417._
_During the existence of this faction, an attempt appears to have been
made to alienate the affections of the leading political personages in
the states from the commander-in-chief. The following letters exhibit
a very unsuccessful effort of this sort, which was made on Governor
Henry, of Virginia, by a gentleman not supposed to be a member of
congress from that state._
Williamsburgh, February 20, 1778.
DEAR SIR,--You will no doubt be surprised at seeing the enclosed
letter, in which the encomiums bestowed on me are as undeserved, as
the censures aimed at you are unjust. I am sorry there should be one
man who counts himself my friend, who is not yours.
Perhaps I give you needless trouble in handing you this paper. The
writer of it may be too insignificant to deserve any notice. If I knew
this to be the case, I should not have intruded on your time, which is
so precious. But there may possibly be some scheme or party forming to
your prejudice. The enclosed leads to such a suspicion. Believe me,
sir, I have too high a sense of the obligations America has to you, to
abet or countenance so unworthy a proceeding. The most exalted merit
hath ever been found to attract envy. But I please myself with the
hope, that the same fortitude and greatness of mind which have
hitherto braved all the difficulties and dangers inseparable from your
station, will rise superior to every attempt of the envious partisan.
I really can not tell who is the writer of this letter, which not a
little perplexes me. The hand writing is altogether strange to me.
To give you the trouble of this, gives me pain. It would suit my
inclination better, to give you some assistance in the great business
of the war. But I will not conceal any thing from you, by which you
may be affected, for I really think your personal welfare and the
happiness of America are intimately connected. I beg you will be
assured of that high regard and esteem with which I ever am,
Dear sir,
Your affectionate friend and very humble servant,
P. HENRY.
His excellency General Washington.
(_Letter enclosed in the preceding._)
Yorktown, January 12, 1778.
DEAR SIR,--The common danger of our country first brought you and me
together. I recollect with pleasure the influence of your conversation
and eloquence upon the opinions of this country in the beginning of
the present controversy. You first taught us to shake off our
idolatrous attachment to royalty, and to oppose its encroachments upon
our liberties with our very lives. By these means you saved us from
ruin. The independence of America is the offspring of that liberal
spirit of thinking, and acting, which followed the destruction of the
sceptres of kings and the mighty power of Great Britain.
But, sir, we have only passed the Red Sea. A dreary wilderness is
still before us, and unless a Moses or a Joshua are raised up in our
behalf, we must perish before we reach the promised land. We have
nothing to fear from our enemies on the way. General Howe, it is true,
has taken Philadelphia; but he has only changed his prison. His
dominions are bounded on all sides by his outsentries. America can
only be undone by herself. She looks up to her councils and arms for
protection; but alas! what are they? her representation in congress
dwindled to only twenty-one members--her Adams--her Wilson--her Henry,
are no more among them. Her councils weak--and partial remedies
applied constantly for universal diseases. Her army--what is it? a
major general belonging to it called it a few days ago in my hearing a
_mob_. Discipline unknown or _wholly_ neglected. The quartermaster and
commissary's departments filled with idleness, ignorance and
peculation--our hospitals crowded with six thousand sick, but half
provided with necessaries or accommodations, and more dying in them in
one month, than perished in the field during the whole of the last
campaign.
The money depreciating without any effectual measures being taken to
raise it--the country distracted with the Don Quixote attempts to
regulate the prices of provisions, an _artificial_ famine created by
it, and a _real_ one dreaded from it. The spirit of the people failing
through a more intimate acquaintance with the causes of our
misfortunes--many submitting daily to General Howe, and more wishing
to do it, only to avoid the calamities which threaten our country. But
is our case desperate? by no means. We have wisdom, virtue, and
strength _eno'_ to save us if they could be called into action. The
northern army has shown us what Americans are capable of doing with A
GENERAL at their head. The spirit of the southern army is no ways
inferior to the spirit of the northern. A Gates--a Lee, or a Conway
would, in a few weeks, render them an irresistible body of men. The
last of the above officers has accepted of the new office of inspector
general of our army, in order to reform abuses--but the remedy is only
a palliative one. In one of his letters to a friend he says, "a great
and good God hath decreed America to be free--or the ---- and weak
counsellors would have ruined her long ago"--you may rest assured of
_each_ of the facts related in this letter. The author of it is one of
your Philadelphia friends. A hint of his name, if found out by the
hand writing, must not be mentioned to your most intimate friend. Even
the letter _must_ be thrown in the fire. But some of its contents
ought to be made public in order to awaken, enlighten, and alarm our
country. I rely upon your prudence, and am, dear sir, with my usual
attachment to _you_, and to our beloved independence,
Yours, sincerely.
His excellency P. Henry.
* * * * *
Williamsburgh, March 5, 1778.
DEAR SIR,--By an express which Colonel Finnie sent to camp, I enclosed
you an anonymous letter, which I hope got safe to hand. I am anxious
to hear something that will serve to explain the strange affair, which
I am now informed is taken up, respecting you. Mr. Custis has just
paid us a visit, and by him I learn sundry particulars concerning
General Mifflin, that much surprise me. It is very hard to trace the
schemes and windings of the enemies to America. I really thought that
man its friend: however, I am too far from him to judge of his present
temper.
While you face the armed enemies of our liberty in the field, and, by
the favour of God, have been kept unhurt, I trust your country will
never harbour in her bosom the miscreant who would ruin her best
supporter. I wish not to flatter; but when arts unworthy honest men
are used to defame and traduce you, I think it not amiss, but a duty,
to assure you of that estimation in which the public hold you. Not
that I think any testimony I can bear, is necessary for your support,
or private satisfaction, for a bare recollection of what is past must
give you sufficient pleasure in every circumstance of life. But I can
not help assuring you, on this occasion, of the high sense of
gratitude which all ranks of men, in this your native country, bear to
you. It will give me sincere pleasure to manifest my regards, and
render my best services to you or yours. I do not like to make a
parade of these things, and I know you are not fond of it; however, I
hope the occasion will plead my excuse.
The assembly have at length empowered the executive here to provide
the Virginia troops serving with you, with clothes, &c. I am making
provision accordingly, and hope to do something towards it. Every
possible assistance from government is afforded the commissary of
provisions, whose department has not been attended to. It was taken up
by me too late to do much. Indeed the load of business devolved on me
is too great to be managed well. A French ship, mounting thirty guns,
that has been long chased by the English cruisers, has got into
Carolina, as I hear last night.
Wishing you all possible felicity, I am, my dear sir,
Your ever affectionate friend,
and very humble servant,
P. HENRY.
His excellency General Washington.
* * * * *
Valley Forge, March 27, 1778.
DEAR SIR,--About eight days past, I was honoured with your favour of
the 20th ultimo.
Your friendship, sir, in transmitting me the anonymous letter you had
received, lays me under the most grateful obligations; and, if any
thing could give a still further claim to my acknowledgments, it is
the very polite and delicate terms in which you have been pleased to
make the communication.
I have ever been happy in supposing that I held a place in your
esteem, and the proof of it you have afforded on this occasion makes
me peculiarly so. The favourable light in which you hold me is truly
flattering, but I should feel much regret if I thought the happiness
of America so intimately connected with my personal welfare, as you so
obligingly seem to consider it. All I can say, is, that she has ever
had, and, I trust, she ever will have, my honest exertions to promote
her interest. I can not hope that my services have been the best; but
my heart tells me that they have been the best that I could render.
That I may have erred in using the means in my power for accomplishing
the objects of the arduous, exalted station with which I am honoured,
I can not doubt; nor do I wish my conduct to be exempted from the
reprehension it may deserve. Error is the portion of humanity, and to
censure it, whether committed by this or that public character, is the
prerogative of freemen....
This is not the only secret insidious attempt that has been made to
wound my reputation. There have been others equally base, cruel, and
ungenerous; because conducted with as little frankness and proceeding
from views perhaps as personally interested.
I am, dear sir, &c.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
To his excellency Patrick Henry, esquire, Governor of Virginia.
* * * * *
Camp, March 28, 1778.
DEAR SIR,--Just as I was about to close my letter of yesterday, your
favour of the fifth instant came to hand.
I can only thank you again, in the language of the most undissembled
gratitude, for your friendship: and assure you, the indulgent
disposition which Virginia in particular, and the states in general
entertain towards me, gives me the most sensible pleasure. The
approbation of my country is what I wish; and, as far as my abilities
and opportunity will permit, I hope I shall endeavour to deserve it.
It is the highest reward to a feeling mind; and happy are they who so
conduct themselves as to merit it.
The anonymous letter with which you were pleased to favour me, was
written by ----, so far as I can judge from a similitude of hands....
My caution to avoid any thing that could injure the service, prevented
me from communicating, except to a very few of my friends, the
intrigues of a faction which I know was formed against me, since it
might serve to publish our internal dissensions; but their own
restless zeal to advance their views has too clearly betrayed them,
and made concealment on my part fruitless. I can not precisely mark
the extent of their views, but it appeared in general, that General
Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and influence.
This I am authorized to say from undeniable facts in my own
possession, from publications the evident scope of which could not be
mistaken, and from private detractions industriously circulated. ----,
it is commonly supposed, bore the second part in the cabal; and
General Conway, I know, was a very active and malignant partisan; but
I have good reason to believe that their machinations have recoiled
most sensibly upon themselves. I am, dear sir, &c.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
His excellency Patrick Henry, esquire, Gov. of Virginia.
_The following extract is taken from a letter written about the same
time to a gentleman in New England, who had expressed some anxious
apprehensions occasioned by a report that the commander-in-chief had
determined to resign his station in the army:_
"I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that
had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to
embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain,
operate with additional force at this day; nor is it my desire to
withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the
present contest; but to report a design of this kind, is among the
arts, which those who are endeavouring to effect a change are
practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say, that
there is not an officer in the service of the United States, that
would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heartfelt joy
than I should. But I would have this declaration accompanied by these
sentiments, that while the public are satisfied with my endeavours, I
mean not to shrink from the cause: but the moment her voice, not that
of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much
pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest."
* * * * *
NOTE--No. XIII. _See Page 456._
_The following is an extract of a letter addressed on this occasion by
General Washington to congress:_
"Though I sincerely commiserate the misfortune of General Lee, and
feel much for his present unhappy situation; yet, with all possible
deference to the opinion of congress, I fear that their resolutions
will not have the desired effect, are founded in impolicy, and will,
if adhered to, produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy
nature.
"Retaliation is certainly just, and sometimes necessary, even where
attended with the severest penalties: but when the evils which may,
and must result from it, exceed those intended to be redressed,
prudence and policy require that it should be avoided.
"Having premised thus much, I beg leave to examine the justice and
expediency of it in the instance before us. From the best information
I have been able to obtain, General Lee's usage has not been so
disgraceful and dishonourable, as to authorize the treatment decreed
to these gentlemen, was it not prohibited by many other important
considerations. His confinement, I believe, has been more rigorous
than has been generally experienced by the rest of our officers, or
those of the enemy who have been in our possession; but if the reports
received on that head be true, he has been provided with a decent
apartment, and with most things necessary to render him comfortable.
This is not the case with one of the officers comprehended in the
resolves, if his letter, of which a copy is transmitted, deserves your
credit. Here retaliation seems to have been prematurely begun, or to
speak with more propriety, severities have been, and are exercised
towards Colonel Campbell, not justified by any that General Lee has
yet received.
"In point of policy, and under the present situation of our affairs,
most surely the doctrine can not be supported. The balance of
prisoners is greatly against us, and a general regard to the happiness
of the whole should mark our conduct. Can we imagine that our enemies
will not mete the same punishments, the same indignities, the same
cruelties, to those belonging to us in their possession, that we
impose on theirs? why should we suppose them to have more humanity
than we possess ourselves? or why should an ineffectual attempt to
relieve the distresses of one brave man, involve many more in misery?
At this time, however disagreeable the fact may be, the enemy have in
their power, and subject to their call, near three hundred officers
belonging to the army of the United States. In this number there are
some of high rank, and the most of them are men of bravery and of
merit. The quota of theirs in our hands bears no proportion, not being
more than fifty. Under these circumstances, we certainly should do no
act to draw upon the gentlemen belonging to us, and who have already
suffered a long captivity, greater punishments than they now
experience. If we should, what will be their feelings, and those of
their numerous and extensive connexions? Suppose the treatment
prescribed for the Hessian officers should be pursued, will it not
establish what the enemy have been aiming to effect by every artifice,
and the grossest misrepresentations? I mean, an opinion of our enmity
towards them, and of the cruel conduct they experience when they fall
into our hands; a prejudice which we, on our part, have heretofore
thought it politic to suppress, and to root out by every act of
kindness and of lenity. It certainly will. The Hessians will hear of
the punishments with all the circumstances of heightened exaggeration,
and would feel the injury without investigating the cause, or
reasoning upon the justice of it. The mischiefs which may, and must
inevitably flow from the execution of the resolves, appear to be
endless and innumerable."
END OF VOLUME II.