The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2 (of 5)
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{June.}
[Sidenote: Invasion of South Carolina.]
In the beginning of June, the British fleet came to anchor off the
harbour of Charleston. The bar was crossed with some difficulty; after
which, it was determined to commence operations by silencing a fort on
Sullivan's island.
During the interval between passing the bar and attacking the fort,
the continental troops of Virginia and North Carolina arrived in
Charleston; and the American force amounted to between five and six
thousand men, of whom two thousand five hundred were regulars. This
army was commanded by General Lee, whose fortune it had been to meet
General Clinton at New York, in Virginia, and in North Carolina.
Viewing with a military eye the situation of the post entrusted to his
care, Lee was disinclined to hazard his army by engaging it deeply in
the defence of the town; but the solicitude of the South Carolinians
to preserve their capital, aided by his confidence in his own
vigilance, prevailed over a caution which was thought extreme, and
determined him to attempt to maintain the place.
Two regular regiments of South Carolina, commanded by Colonels Gadsden
and Moultrie, garrisoned fort Johnson and fort Moultrie. About five
hundred regulars, and three hundred militia under Colonel Thompson,
were stationed in some works which had been thrown up on the
north-eastern extremity of Sullivan's island; and the remaining troops
were arranged on Hadrell's Point, and along the bay in front of the
town. General Lee remained in person with the troops at Hadrell's
Point, in the rear of Sullivan's island. His position was chosen in
such a manner as to enable him to observe and support the operations
in every quarter, and especially to watch and oppose any attempt of
the enemy to pass from Long Island to the continent; a movement of
which he seems to have been particularly apprehensive.
{June 28.}
[Sidenote: British fleet repulsed at Fort Moultrie.]
The British ships, after taking their stations, commenced an incessant
and heavy cannonade on the American works. Its effect, however, on the
fort, was not such as had been expected. This was attributable to its
form, and to its materials. It was very low, with merlons of great
thickness; and was constructed of earth, and a species of soft wood
common in that country, called the palmetto, which, on being struck
with a ball, does not splinter, but closes upon it.
The fire from the fort was deliberate; and, being directed with skill,
did vast execution. The garrison united the cool determined courage of
veterans, with the enthusiastic ardour of youth. General Lee crossed
over in a boat, to determine whether he should withdraw them; and was
enraptured with the ardour they displayed. They assured him they would
lose the fort only with their lives; and the mortally wounded breathed
their last, exhorting their fellow soldiers to the most heroic defence
of the place.
{July 15.}
The engagement continued until night. By that time, the ships were in
such a condition, as to be unfit to renew the action on the ensuing
day. The Bristol lost one hundred and eleven men, and the Experiment
seventy-nine. Captain Scott, of the one, lost his arm; and Captain
Morris, of the other, was mortally wounded. Lord Campbell, late
Governor of the province, who served as a volunteer on board one of
these vessels, was also mortally wounded; and both ships were so
shattered, as to inspire hopes that they would be unable to repass the
bar. About nine, they slipped their cables and moved off. A few days
afterwards, the troops were re-embarked, and all farther designs
against the southern colonies being for the present relinquished, the
squadron sailed for New York.[33]
[Footnote 33: Annual Register--Gordon--Ramsay--Letters of
General Lee.]
The attack on fort Moultrie was supported by the British seamen with
their accustomed bravery; and the slaughter on board the ships was
uncommonly great. The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded,
was only thirty-five men.
Great and well merited praise was bestowed on Colonel Moultrie, who
commanded the fort, and on the garrison, for the resolution displayed
in defending it. Nor was the glory acquired on this occasion confined
to them. All the troops that had been stationed on the island partook
of it: and the thanks of the United Colonies were voted by congress to
General Lee, Colonel Moultrie, Colonel Thompson, and the officers and
men under their command.
This fortunate event, for such it may well be termed, though not of
much magnitude in itself, was, like many other successes attending the
American arms in the commencement of the war, of great importance in
its consequences. By impressing on the colonists a conviction of their
ability to maintain the contest, it increased the number of those who
resolved to resist British authority, and assisted in paving the way
to a declaration of independence.
{April.}
[Sidenote: Transactions in New York.]
Even before the evacuation of Boston, it had been foreseen that New
York must become the seat of war; and that most important military
operations would be carried on in that colony. The fortifications
which had been commenced for the defence of its capital were
indefatigably prosecuted; and, after the arrival of General
Washington, these works, combined with those to be erected in the
passes through the highlands up the Hudson, were the objects of his
unremitting attention.
The difficulty which had been experienced in expelling the British
from Boston, had demonstrated the importance of preventing their
establishment in New York; and had contributed to the determination of
contesting with them, very seriously, the possession of that important
place. The execution of this determination, however, was difficult and
dangerous. The defence of New York, against an enemy commanding the
sea, requires an army capable of meeting him in the open field, and of
acting offensively both on Long and York Islands. Congress had not
adopted measures which might raise such an army. The
Commander-in-chief, in his letters to that body, had long and
earnestly urged the policy of bringing the whole strength of the
country into regular operation. The government was not inattentive to
his remonstrances; but many circumstances combined to prevent such a
military establishment as the exigency required.
The congress which assembled in 1775 had adjourned with strong hopes
that the differences between the Mother Country and the Colonies would
soon be adjusted to their mutual satisfaction. When the temper
manifested both by the king and his parliament had dissipated these
hopes, and the immense preparations of Great Britain for war, evinced
the necessity of preparations equally vigorous on the part of America,
the resolution to make them was finally taken. But, unaccustomed to
the great duties of conducting a war of vast extent, they could not
estimate rightly the value of the means employed, nor calculate the
effects which certain causes would produce. Opinions of the most
pernicious tendency prevailed; from which they receded slowly, and
from which they could be ultimately forced only by melancholy
experience.
The most fatal among these was the theory, that an army could be
created every campaign for the purposes of that campaign; and that
such temporary means would be adequate to the defence of the country.
They relied confidently on being able on any emergency, to call out a
force suited to the occasion:--they relied too much on the competence
of such a force to the purposes of war, and they depended too long on
the spirit of patriotism, which was believed to animate the mass of
the people.
Under these impressions, the determination to form a permanent army
was too long delayed; and the measures necessary to raise such an army
were deferred, till their efficacy became doubtful. It was not until
June, 1776, that the representations of the Commander-in-chief could
obtain a resolution, directing soldiers to be enlisted for three
years, and offering a bounty of ten dollars to each recruit. The time
when this resolution could certainly have been executed, had passed
away. That zeal for the service, which was manifested in the first
moments of the war, had long since begun to abate; and though the
determination to resist had become more general, that enthusiasm which
prompts individuals to expose themselves to more than an equal share
of danger and hardship, was visibly declining. The progress of these
sentiments seems to have been unexpected; and the causes producing
such effects appear not to have been perceived. The regiments voted by
congress were incomplete; and that bounty, which, if offered in time,
would have effected its object, came too late to fill them.
It was not in numbers only that the weakness of the American army
consisted. In arms, ammunition, tents, and clothes, its deficiency was
such as to render it unfit for the great purposes of war, and
inferior, in all these respects, to the enemy which it was destined to
encounter.
But, however inadequate to the object the regular force might be, both
the government and the Commander-in-chief were determined to defend
New York; and congress passed a resolution to reinforce the army with
thirteen thousand eight hundred militia. For the defence of the middle
colonies, and for the purpose of repelling any attempt to land on the
Jersey shore, it was resolved to form a flying camp, to be composed of
ten thousand men, to be furnished by Pennsylvania, Delaware, and
Maryland. The militia, both of the flying camp and of the army at New
York, were to be engaged to serve until the first of December; and the
Commander-in-chief was empowered to call on the neighbouring colonies
for such additional temporary aids of militia, as the exigencies of
his army might render necessary.
Great and embarrassing as were the difficulties already noticed, they
were augmented by the disaffection of the city of New York, and of the
adjacent islands. Although Governor Tryon had found it necessary to
take refuge on board some ships lying in the harbour, he had been
permitted to continue an open intercourse with the inhabitants, which
enabled him to communicate freely with the royalists; and to concert
plans of future co-operation. This intercourse was broken off by the
arrival of the Commander-in-chief;--yet a plot was formed, through the
agency of the mayor, to rise in favour of the British on their
landing; and, as was understood, to seize and deliver up General
Washington himself. This plot had extended to the American army, and
even to the general's guards. It was fortunately discovered in time to
be defeated; and some of the persons concerned were executed. About
the same time a similar plot was discovered in the neighbourhood of
Albany; and there too, executions were found necessary.
Hitherto, the sole avowed object of the war had been a redress of
grievances. The utmost horror had been expressed at the idea of
attempting independence; and the most anxious desire of
re-establishing the union which had so long subsisted between the two
countries on its ancient principles, was openly and generally
declared. But however sincere these declarations might have been at
the commencement of the conflict, the operation of hostilities was
infallible. To profess allegiance and respect for a monarch with whom
they were at open war, was an absurdity too great to be long
continued. The human mind, when it receives a strong impulse, does
not, like projectiles, stop at the point to which the force originally
applied may have been calculated to carry it. Various causes act upon
it in its course. When the appeal was made to arms, a great majority
of those who guided the councils and led the forces of America, wished
only for a repeal of the acts of parliament which had occasioned their
resistance to the authority of the crown; and would have been truly
unwilling to venture upon the unexplored field of self-government. For
some time, prayers were offered for the king, in the performance of
divine service; and, in the proclamation of a fast by congress, in
June, 1775, one of the motives for recommending it, was, to beseech
the Almighty "to bless our rightful sovereign King George III. and
inspire him with wisdom."
[Illustration: Independence Hall, Philadelphia
_In this unpretentious brick building, erected in 1729-34, and
intimately associated with the birth of the nation, the Continental
Congress met, Washington was made Commander-in-Chief of the American
army in 1775, and the Declaration of Independence was adopted on July
4, 1776, and read to the people assembled in the street. It is now a
museum of Revolutionary and historical relics._]
[Sidenote: Measures leading to independence.]
The prejudices in favour of a connexion with England, and of the
English constitution, gradually, but rapidly yielded to republican
principles, and a desire for independence. New strength was every day
added to the opinions, that a cordial reconciliation with Great
Britain had become impossible; that mutual confidence could never be
restored; that reciprocal jealousy, suspicion, and hate, would take
the place of that affection, which could alone render such a connexion
happy and beneficial; that even the commercial dependence of America
upon Britain, was greatly injurious to the former, and that
incalculable benefits must be derived from opening to themselves the
markets of the world; that to be governed by a distant nation or
sovereign, unacquainted with, and unmindful of their interests, would,
even if reinstated in their former situation, be an evil too great to
be voluntarily borne. But victory alone could restore them to that
situation--and victory would give them independence. The hazard was
the same; and since the risk of every thing was unavoidable, the most
valuable object ought, in common justice, and common prudence, to be
the reward of success. With such horror, too, did they view the
present war, as to suppose it could not possibly receive the support
of a free people. The alacrity therefore with which the English nation
entered into it, was ascribed to a secret and dangerous influence,
which was, with rapid progress, undermining the liberties and the
morals of the Mother Country; and which, it was feared, would cross
the Atlantic, and infect the principles of the colonists likewise,
should the ancient connexion be restored. The intercourse of America
with the world, and her own experience, had not then been sufficient
to teach her the important truth, that the many, as often as the few,
can abuse power, and trample on the weak, without perceiving that they
are tyrants; that they too, not unfrequently, close their eyes against
the light; and shut their ears against the plainest evidence, and the
most conclusive reasoning.
It was also urged, with great effect, that the possibility of
obtaining foreign aid would be much increased by holding out the
dismemberment of the British empire, to the rivals of that nation, as
an inducement to engage in the contest.
American independence became the general theme of conversation; and
more and more the general wish. The measures of congress took their
complexion from the temper of the people. Their proceedings against
the disaffected became more and more vigorous; their language
respecting the British government was less the language of subjects,
and better calculated to turn the public attention towards congress
and the provincial assemblies, as the sole and ultimate rulers of the
country. General letters of marque and reprisal were granted; and the
American ports were opened to all nations and people, not subject to
the British crown.
{May 6.}
At length, a measure was adopted, which was considered by congress and
by America in general, as deciding the question of independence.
Hitherto, it had been recommended to particular colonies, to establish
temporary institutions for the conduct of their affairs during the
existence of the contest; but now, a resolution was offered,
recommending generally to such colonies as had not already established
them, the adoption of governments adequate to the exigency. Mr. John
Adams, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Richard Henry Lee, all zealous advocates
for independence, were appointed a committee, to prepare a proper
preamble to the resolution. The report of these gentlemen was
accepted, and the resolution passed.[34]
[Footnote 34: Before the vote on the question of
independence was taken, congress passed resolutions,
declaring that all persons residing within, or passing
through any one of the United Colonies, owed allegiance to
the government thereof; and that any such person who should
levy war against any of the United Colonies, or adhere to
the king of Great Britain, or other enemies of the said
colonies, or any of them, should be guilty of treason: and
recommending it to the several legislatures to pass laws for
their punishment.]
{May 15.}
The provincial assemblies and conventions acted on this
recommendation; and governments were generally established. In
Connecticut and Rhode Island, it was deemed unnecessary to make any
change in their actual situation, because, in those colonies, the
executive, as well as the whole legislature, had always been elected
by themselves. In Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New York, some
hesitation was at first discovered; and the assemblies appeared
unwilling to take this decisive step. The public opinion, however, was
in favour of it, and finally prevailed.
The several colonies, now contemplating themselves as sovereign
states, and mingling with the arduous duty of providing means to repel
a powerful enemy, the important and interesting labour of framing
governments for themselves and their posterity, exhibited the novel
spectacle of matured and enlightened societies, uninfluenced by
external or internal force, devising, according to their own
judgments, political systems for their own government.
With the exceptions already stated, of Connecticut and Rhode Island,
whose systems had ever been in a high degree democratic, the hitherto
untried principle was adopted, of limiting the departments of
governments by a written constitution, prescribing bounds not to be
transcended by the legislature itself.
The solid foundations of a popular government were already laid in all
the colonies. The institutions received from England were admirably
calculated to prepare the way for temperate and rational republics. No
hereditary powers had ever existed; and every authority had been
derived either from the people or the king. The crown being no longer
acknowledged, the people remained the only source of legitimate power.
The materials in their possession, as well as their habits of
thinking, were adapted only to governments in all respects
representative; and such governments were universally adopted.
The provincial assemblies, under the influence of congress, took up
the question of independence; and, in some instances, authorized their
representatives in the great national council, to enter into foreign
alliances. Many declared themselves in favour of a total and immediate
separation from Great Britain; and gave instructions to their
representatives conforming to this sentiment.
{June 7.}
Thus supported by public opinion, congress determined to take this
decisive step; and on the 7th of June, a resolution to that effect was
moved by Richard Henry Lee, and seconded by John Adams. The resolution
was referred to a committee, who reported it in the following terms.
"Resolved, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be
free and independent states; and that all political connexion between
them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally
dissolved."
{June 28.}
{July 2.}
This resolution was referred to a committee of the whole, in which it
was debated on Saturday the 8th, and Monday the 10th of June. It
appearing that New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
and South Carolina were not yet matured for the measure, but were fast
advancing to that state, the debate was adjourned to the first of
July, when it was resumed. In the mean time, a committee[35] was
appointed to prepare the declaration of independence, which was
reported on the 28th of June, and laid on the table. On the first of
July the debate on the original resolution was resumed. The question
was put in the evening of that day, and carried in the affirmative by
the votes of New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, against
Pennsylvania and South Carolina. Delaware was divided; and the
delegates from New York, having declared their approbation of the
resolution, and their conviction that it was approved by their
constituents also, but that their instructions, which had been drawn
near twelve months before, enjoined them to do nothing which might
impede reconciliation with the mother country, were permitted to
withdraw from the question. The report of the committee was put off
till the next day at the request of Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina,
who expressed the opinion that his colleagues would then concur in the
resolution for the sake of unanimity. The next day South Carolina did
concur in it. The votes of Pennsylvania and Delaware were also changed
by the arrival of other members. Congress then proceeded to consider
the declaration of independence. After some amendments[36] it was
approved, and signed by every member present except Mr. Dickenson.[37]
[Footnote 35: Mr. Jefferson, Mr. John Adams, Mr. Franklin,
and Mr. R.R. Livingston. Mr. R.H. Lee, the mover of the
resolution, had been compelled by the illness of Mrs. Lee to
leave congress the day on which the committee was
appointed.]
[Footnote 36: See note No. VI. at the end of the volume.]
[Footnote 37: Mr. Jefferson's Correspondence.]
[Sidenote: Independence declared.]
{July 4.}
This declaration was immediately communicated to the armies, who
received it with enthusiasm. It was also proclaimed throughout the
United States, and was generally approved by those who had engaged in
the opposition to the claims of the British Parliament. Some few
individuals, who had been zealous supporters of all measures which had
for their object only a redress of grievances, and in whose bosoms the
hope of accommodation still lingered,--either too timid to meet the
arduous conflict which this measure rendered inevitable, or, sincerely
believing that the happiness of America would be best consulted by
preserving their political connexion with Great Britain, viewed the
dissolution of that connexion with regret. Others, who afterwards
deserted the American cause, attributed their defection to this
measure. It was also an unfortunate truth, that in the whole country
between New England and the Potowmac, which was now become the great
theatre of action, although the majority was in favour of
independence, a formidable minority existed, who not only refused to
act with their countrymen, but were ready to give to the enemy every
aid in their power.
It can not, however, be questioned, that the declaration of
independence was wise, and well-timed. The soundest policy required
that the war should no longer be a contest between subjects and their
acknowledged sovereign.
CHAPTER V.
Lord and Sir William Howe arrive before New York....
Circular letter of Lord Howe.... State of the American
Army.... The British land in force on Long Island.... Battle
of Brooklyn.... Evacuation of Long Island.... Fruitless
negotiations.... New York evacuated.... Skirmish on the
heights of Haerlem.... Letter on the state of the army.
{1776}
While congress was deliberating in Philadelphia on the great question
of independence, the British fleet appeared before New York.
[Sidenote: Lord and Sir William Howe arrive before New York.]
On evacuating Boston, General Howe had retired to Halifax; where he
purposed to remain till reinforcements should arrive from England. But
the situation of his army in that place was so uncomfortable, and the
delays in the arrival of the troops from Europe were so great, that he
at length resolved to sail for New York, with the forces already under
his command.
{June 10.}
{July 3 & 4.}
In the latter end of June, he arrived off Sandy Hook, in the Grey
Hound; and, on the 29th of that month, the first division of the fleet
from Halifax reached that place. The rear division soon followed; and
the troops were landed on Staten Island, on the third and fourth of
July. They were received with great demonstrations of joy by the
inhabitants, who took the oaths of allegiance to the British crown,
and embodied themselves under the authority of the late Governor
Tryon, for the defence of the island. Strong assurances were also
received from Long Island, and the neighbouring parts of New Jersey,
of the favourable dispositions of a great proportion of the people to
the royal cause.