The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)
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General Du Portail, a French officer of considerable reputation,
maintained the same opinions; and the Baron de Steuben concurred in
them. The American officers seem to have been influenced by the
councils of the Europeans; and, of seventeen generals, only Wayne and
Cadwallader were decidedly in favour of attacking the enemy. Lafayette
appeared inclined to that opinion without openly embracing it; and
General Greene was inclined to hazard more than the councils of the
majority would sanction. The country, he thought, must be protected;
and if, in doing so, an engagement should become unavoidable, it would
be necessary to fight.
[Sidenote: The British army evacuate Philadelphia and march through
the Jerseys.]
On the morning of the 18th, Philadelphia was evacuated;[6] and, by two
in the afternoon, all the British troops were encamped on the Jersey
shore, from Cooper's Creek to Red Bank. Although they availed
themselves to a great extent of the transportation by water, yet their
line of march was so lengthened and encumbered by baggage, and the
weather was so intensely hot, that they were under the necessity of
proceeding slowly. Indeed their movements wore the appearance of
purposed delay; and were calculated to favour the opinion that Sir
Henry Clinton was willing to be overtaken, and wished for a general
engagement.
[Footnote 6: As the British army moved down Second street, Captain
M'Lane, with a few light horse and one hundred infantry, entered the
city, and cut off, and captured one Captain, one Provost Marshal, one
guide to the army, and thirty privates, without losing a man.]
As his line of march, until he passed Crosswicks, led directly up the
Delaware, General Washington found it necessary to make an extensive
circuit, and to cross the river at Coryell's Ferry; after which he
kept possession of the high grounds in Jersey, thereby retaining the
choice of bringing on, or avoiding an action.
[Sidenote: June 24.]
As Sir Henry Clinton encamped at, and about, Allentown, the main body
of the American army lay in Hopewell township, about five miles from
Princeton, Major General Dickenson, with about one thousand militia,
and Maxwell's brigade, hung on Sir Henry Clinton's left flank. General
Cadwallader, with Jackson's regiment and a few militia, was in his
rear; and Colonel Morgan with a regiment of six hundred men watched
his right.
[Sidenote: Council of war called by General Washington; decide
against attacking the enemy on the march.]
Notwithstanding the almost concurrent opinion of his general officers
against risking an action, Washington appears to have been strongly
inclined to that measure. He could not be persuaded that, with an army
rather superior in point of numbers to his enemy, too much was
hazarded by fighting him. The situation of the two armies was,
therefore, once more submitted to the consideration of the general
officers, who were asked whether it would be adviseable, of choice, to
hazard a general action? And, if it would, whether it should be
brought on by an immediate general attack, by a partial attack, or by
taking such a position as must compel the enemy to become the
assailants?
If the council should be of opinion that it was unadviseable to hazard
an engagement, then he asked what measures could be taken with safety
to the army, to annoy the enemy in his march, should he proceed
through the Jerseys?
The proposition respecting a general action was decidedly negatived.
But it was proposed to strengthen the corps on the left flank of the
enemy with a reinforcement of fifteen hundred men, and to preserve,
with the main body of the army, a relative position which would enable
it to act as circumstances might require.
In pursuance of this opinion, the troops on the lines were
strengthened with a detachment of fifteen hundred select men,
commanded by General Scott; and the army moved forward the next day to
Kingston.
[Sidenote: The opinion of the general against this decision.]
[Sidenote: June 25.]
Though the council had been almost unanimous against a general action,
several officers, whose opinions were highly valued, secretly wished
for something more than light skirmishing. Knowing this, General
Washington, who was still in favour of an engagement, determined to
take his measures on his own responsibility. As the British army moved
towards Monmouth court-house, he ordered Brigadier General Wayne, with
an additional detachment of one thousand select men, to join the
advanced corps. As the continental troops, now constituting the front
division, amounted to at least four thousand men, he deemed it proper
that they should be commanded by a major general. Lee had a right to
claim this tour of duty; but, as he had declared himself openly and
strongly against hazarding even a partial engagement, and supposed
that nothing further would be attempted than merely to reconnoitre
the enemy, and restrain plundering parties, he showed no inclination
to assert his claim. Unintentionally promoting the private wishes of
General Washington, that the command should be given to an officer
whose view of the service comported more with his own, Lee yielded
this important tour of duty to Lafayette. The orders given to this
general were, to proceed immediately with the detachment; and, after
forming a junction with General Scott, and taking command of the
troops on the lines, to gain the enemy's left flank and rear; give him
every practicable annoyance; and attack by detachment, or with his
whole force, as the occasion might require.
These dispositions and orders could scarcely fail to bring on an
engagement. Wayne had openly supported that measure; and Lafayette,
though against seeking a general action, had been in favour of a
partial one. Of consequence, should any proper occasion offer, he
would certainly attack with his whole force, which would as certainly
produce such a state of things as would render it proper to support
him with the whole army.
[Sidenote: June 26.]
Immediately after the march of this detachment, General Washington
moved to Cranberry, that he might be in readiness to support his front
division.
The intense heat of the weather; a heavy storm; and a temporary want
of provisions, prevented the army from continuing its march that day.
The advanced corps had pressed forward, and taken a position about
five miles in rear of the British army, with the intention of
attacking it next morning on its march. Thinking this corps too remote
to be supported in case of action, General Washington ordered the
Marquis to file off by his left towards Englishtown. These orders were
executed early in the morning of the twenty-seventh.
[Sidenote: June 27.]
Lafayette had scarcely taken command of the advanced party, when
General Lee began to regret having yielded it to him. He perceived
that, in the opinion of all the general officers, great importance was
attached to it, and that his reputation was in danger of being
impaired by connecting his strenuous opposition to even a partial
action, with his declining the command of a very strong detachment,
which, it was believed, would engage the rear of the enemy. He
therefore solicited earnestly for the command he had before declined.
To relieve the feelings of Lee, without wounding those of Lafayette,
General Washington detached him with two additional brigades to
Englishtown, to support the Marquis. He would, of course, have the
direction of the whole front division, which would now amount to five
thousand continental troops; but it was expressly stipulated, that if
any enterprise had been already formed by Lafayette, it should be
carried into execution, as if the commanding officer had not been
changed. Lee acceded to this condition; and, with two additional
brigades, joined the front division of the army, encamped at
Englishtown. The rear division also moved forward, and encamped about
three miles in his rear. Morgan's corps still hovered on the right
flank of the British, and General Dickenson on their left.
Sir Henry Clinton occupied the high grounds about Monmouth
court-house, having his right flank in the skirt of a small wood,
while his left was secured by a very thick one, and a morass running
towards his rear. His whole front was also covered by a wood, and for
a considerable distance towards his left, by a morass.
This position seemed unassailable; and the British were within twelve
miles of the high grounds about Middletown, after reaching which they
would be perfectly secure.
Under these circumstances, General Washington ordered Lee to attack
the British rear the moment it should move from its ground.
[Sidenote: June 28.]
About five in the morning, intelligence was received from General
Dickenson that the front of the enemy was in motion. The troops were
immediately put under arms, and Lee was ordered to attack the rear,
"unless there should be powerful reasons to the contrary." He was at
the same time informed that the rear division would be on its march to
support him.
Sir Henry Clinton had observed the appearances on his flanks and rear
on the twenty-seventh; and, conjecturing that the American army was in
his neighbourhood, had changed the order of his march. The baggage was
placed under the care of General Knyphausen, while the strength and
flower of his army, entirely unincumbered, formed the rear division,
under the particular command of Lord Cornwallis, who was accompanied
by the Commander-in-chief.
To avoid pressing on Knyphausen, Cornwallis remained on his ground
until about eight; and then, descending from the heights of Freehold
into an extensive plain, took up his line of march in rear of the
front division.[7]
[Footnote 7: Letter of Sir Henry Clinton.]
General Lee had made dispositions for executing the orders given the
preceding evening, and repeated in the morning; and, soon after the
British rear had moved from its ground, prepared to attack it. General
Dickenson had been directed to detach some of his best troops, to take
such a position as to co-operate with him; and Morgan was ordered to
act on the right flank.
Lee appeared on the heights of Freehold soon after Lord Cornwallis had
left them; and, following the British into the plain, ordered General
Wayne to attack the rear of their covering party with sufficient
vigour to check it, but not to press it so closely as either to force
it up to the main body, or to draw reinforcements to its aid. In
the mean time, he intended to gain the front of this party by a
shorter road, and, intercepting its communication with the line, to
bear it off before it could be assisted.
[Illustration: Martha Washington
_From the portrait by Gilbert Stuart_
_After studying under Benjamin West, the American painter who
succeeded Sir Joshua Reynolds as (second) president of the Royal
Academy in London, Gilbert Stuart established a studio in Philadelphia
where he met and painted the first of his famous portraits of George
Washington. This one of Martha Washington, the best known likeness of
her in existence, was painted in the city of Washington, where the
artist had a studio between 1800 and 1802. She gave him several
sittings at Mount Vernon._]
While in the execution of this design, a gentleman in the _suite_ of
General Washington came up to gain intelligence; and Lee communicated
to him his present object.
Before he reached the point of destination, there was reason to
believe that the British rear was much stronger than had been
conjectured. The intelligence on this subject being contradictory, and
the face of the country well calculated to conceal the truth, he
deemed it adviseable to ascertain the fact himself.
Sir Henry Clinton, soon after the rear division was in full march,
received intelligence that an American column had appeared on his left
flank. This being a corps of militia was soon dispersed, and the march
was continued. When his rear guard had descended from the heights, he
saw it followed by a strong corps, soon after which a cannonade was
commenced upon it; and, at the same time, a respectable force showed
itself on each of his flanks. Suspecting a design on his baggage, he
determined to attack the troops in his rear so vigorously, as to
compel a recall of those on his flanks; and, for this purpose, marched
back his whole rear division. This movement was in progress as Lee
advanced for the purpose of reconnoitring. He soon perceived his
mistake respecting the force of the British rear, but still determined
to engage on that ground, although his judgment disapproved the
measure; there being a morass immediately in his rear, which would
necessarily impede the reinforcements which might be advancing to his
aid, and embarrass his retreat should he be finally overpowered.
This was about ten. While both armies were preparing for action,
General Scott (as stated by General Lee) mistook an oblique march of
an American column for a retreat; and, in the apprehension of being
abandoned, left his position, and repassed the ravine in his rear.
Being himself of opinion that the ground was unfavourable, Lee did not
correct the error he ascribed to Scott, but ordered the whole
detachment to regain the heights. He was closely pressed, and some
slight skirmishing ensued without much loss on either side.
As soon as the firing announced the commencement of the action, the
rear division of the army advanced rapidly to the support of the
front. As they approached the scene of action, General Washington, who
had received no intelligence from Lee giving notice of his retreat,
rode forward, and, to his utter astonishment and mortification, met
the advanced corps retiring before the enemy, without having made a
single effort to maintain its ground. The troops he first saw neither
understood the motives which had governed General Lee, nor his present
design; and could give no other information than that, by his orders,
they had fled without fighting.
General Washington rode to the rear of the division, where he met
General Lee, to whom he spoke in terms of some warmth, implying
disapprobation of his conduct.
Orders were immediately given to Colonel Stewart and Lieutenant
Colonel Ramsay to form their regiments for the purpose of checking the
pursuit; and General Lee was directed to take proper measures with the
residue of his force to stop the British column on that ground. The
Commander-in-chief then rode back to arrange the rear division of the
army.
[Sidenote: He attacks the enemy at Monmouth Court-house.]
These orders were executed with firmness; and, when forced from his
ground, Lee brought off his troops in good order, and was directed to
form in the rear of Englishtown.
This check afforded time to draw up the left wing and second line of
the American army on an eminence, covered by a morass in front. Lord
Stirling, who commanded the left wing, brought up a detachment of
artillery under Lieutenant Colonel Carrington, and some field pieces,
which played with considerable effect on a division of the British
which had passed the morass, and was pressing on to the charge. These
pieces, with the aid of several parties of infantry, effectually
stopped the advance of the enemy.
[Sidenote: The action severe but not decisive.]
Finding themselves warmly opposed in front, the British attempted to
turn the left flank of the American army, but were repulsed. They then
attempted the right with as little success. General Greene had
advanced a body of troops with artillery to a commanding piece of
ground in his front, which not only disappointed the design of turning
the right, but enfiladed the party which yet remained in front of the
left wing. At this moment, General Wayne was advanced with a body of
infantry to engage them in front, who kept up so hot and well directed
a fire, that they soon withdrew behind the ravine, to the ground on
which the action had commenced immediately after the arrival of
General Washington.[8]
[Footnote 8: General Lafayette, in a communication made to the author
respecting this battle, expresses himself thus: "Never was General
Washington greater in war than in this action. His presence stopped
the retreat. His dispositions fixed the victory. His fine appearance
on horseback, his calm courage, roused by the animation produced by
the vexation of the morning, (le depit de la matinee) gave him the air
best calculated to excite enthusiasm."]
The position now taken by the British army was very strong. Both
flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses; and their front was
accessible only through a narrow pass. The day had been intensely hot,
and the troops were much fatigued. Notwithstanding these
circumstances, General Washington resolved to renew the engagement.
For this purpose he ordered Brigadier General Poor, with his own and
the North Carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while Woodford
with his brigade should turn their left. At the same time the
artillery was ordered to advance, and play on their front. These
orders were obeyed with alacrity; but the impediments on the flanks of
the British were so considerable that, before they could be overcome,
it was nearly dark. Farther operations were therefore deferred until
next morning; and the brigades which had been detached to the flanks
of the British army continued on their ground through the night, and
the other troops lay on the field of battle with their arms in their
hands. General Washington passed the night in his cloak in the midst
of his soldiers.
The British employed the early part of the night in removing their
wounded; and, about midnight, marched away in such silence that their
retreat was not perceived until day.
As it was certain that they must gain the high grounds about
Middletown before they could be overtaken; as the face of the country
afforded no prospect of opposing their embarkation; and as the battle
already fought had terminated in a manner to make a general impression
favourable to the American arms; it was thought proper to relinquish
the pursuit, leaving a detachment to hover about the British rear, the
main body of the army moved towards the Hudson.
The Commander-in-chief was highly gratified with the conduct of his
troops in this action. Their behaviour, he said, after recovering from
the first surprise occasioned by the unexpected retreat of the
advanced corps, could not be surpassed. General Wayne was particularly
mentioned; and the artillery were spoken of in terms of high praise.
The loss of the Americans in the battle of Monmouth was eight officers
and sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty
wounded. Among the slain were Lieutenant Colonel Bonner of
Pennsylvania, and Major Dickenson of Virginia, both of whom were much
regretted. One hundred and thirty were missing; but a considerable
number of these afterwards rejoined their regiments.
In his official letter, Sir Henry Clinton states his dead and missing
at four officers, and one hundred and eighty-four privates. His
wounded at sixteen officers and one hundred and fifty-four privates.
This account, so far as respects the dead, can not be correct, as four
officers and two hundred and forty-five privates were buried on the
field by persons appointed for the purpose, who made their report to
the Commander-in-chief; and some few were afterwards found, so as to
increase the number to nearly three hundred. The uncommon heat of the
day proved fatal to several on both sides.
As usual, when a battle has not been decisive, both parties claimed
the victory. In the early part of the day, the advantage was certainly
with the British; in the latter part, it may be pronounced with equal
certainty to have been with the Americans. They maintained their
ground, repulsed the enemy, were prevented only by the night, and by
the retreat of the hostile army from renewing the action, and suffered
less in killed and wounded than their adversaries.
It is true that Sir Henry Clinton effected what he states to have been
his principal object,--the safety of his baggage. But when it is
recollected that the American officers had decided against hazarding
an action, that this advice must have trammeled the conduct, and
circumscribed the views of the Commander-in-chief, he will be admitted
to have effected no inconsiderable object in giving the American arms
that appearance of superiority which was certainly acquired by this
engagement.
Independent of the loss sustained in the action, the British army was
considerably weakened in its march from Philadelphia to New York.
About one hundred prisoners were made, and near one thousand soldiers,
chiefly foreigners, deserted while passing through Jersey.
The conduct of Lee was generally disapproved. As however he had
possessed a large share of the confidence and good opinion of the
Commander-in-chief, it is probable that explanations might have been
made which would have rescued him from the imputations that were cast
on him, and have restored him to the esteem of the army, could his
haughty temper have brooked the indignity he believed to have been
offered him on the field of battle. General Washington had taken no
measures in consequence of the events of that day, and would probably
have come to no resolution concerning them without an amicable
explanation, when he received from Lee a letter expressed in very
unbecoming terms, in which he, in the tone of a superior, required
reparation for the injury sustained "from the very singular
expressions" said to have been used on the day of the action by the
Commander-in-chief.
[Sidenote: June 30.]
[Sidenote: General Lee arrested for his behavior in this action, and
afterwards to the commander-in-chief.]
This letter was answered by an assurance that, so soon as
circumstances would admit of an inquiry, he should have an opportunity
of justifying himself, to the army, to America, and to the world in
general; or of convincing them that he had been guilty of disobedience
of orders, and misbehaviour before the enemy. On his expressing a wish
for a speedy investigation of his conduct, and for a court-martial
rather than a court of inquiry, he was arrested.
First. For disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy on the
28th of June, agreeably to repeated instructions.
Secondly. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day, in making
an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat.
Thirdly. For disrespect to the Commander-in-chief in two letters.
[Sidenote: Court-martial appointed to try him. Sentenced to be
suspended for one year.]
Before this correspondence had taken place, strong and specific
charges of misconduct had been made against General Lee by several
officers of his detachment, and particularly by Generals Wayne and
Scott. In these, the transactions of the day, not being well
understood, were represented in colours much more unfavourable to Lee,
than facts, when properly explained, would seem to justify. These
representations, most probably, induced the strong language of the
second article in the charge. A court-martial, over which Lord
Stirling presided, after a tedious investigation, found him guilty of
all the charges exhibited against him, and sentenced him to be
suspended for one year. This sentence was, afterwards, though with
some hesitation, approved, almost unanimously, by congress. The court
softened, in some degree, the severity of the second charge, by
finding him guilty, not in its very words, but "of misbehaviour before
the enemy, by making an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a
disorderly retreat."
Lee defended himself with his accustomed ability. He proved that,
after the retreat had commenced, in consequence of General Scott's
repassing the ravine, on the approach of the enemy, he had designed to
form on the first advantageous piece of ground he could find; and
that, in his own opinion, and in the opinion of some other officers,
no safe and advantageous position had presented itself until he met
General Washington; at which time it was his intention to fight the
enemy on the very ground afterwards taken by that officer. He
suggested a variety of reasons in justification of his retreat, which,
if they do not absolutely establish its propriety, give it so
questionable a form as to render it probable that a public examination
never would have taken place, could his proud spirit have stooped to
offer explanation instead of outrage, to the Commander-in-chief.
His suspension gave general satisfaction through the army. Without
being masters of his conduct as a military man, they perfectly
understood the insult offered to their general by his letters; and,
whether rightly or not, believed his object to have been to disgrace
Washington, and to obtain the supreme command for himself. So
devotedly were all ranks attached to their general, that the mere
suspicion of such a design, would have rendered his continuance in the
army extremely difficult.
Whatever judgment may be formed on the propriety of his retreat, it is
not easy to justify, either the omission to keep the
Commander-in-chief continually informed of his situation and
intentions, or the very rude letters written after the action was
over.