The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)
J >> John Marshall >> The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26
[Footnote 74: General Lafayette states that this movement also
facilitated the transportation of some military stores to the southern
army, which were greatly needed.]
[Sidenote: Cornwallis arrives.]
In this position his army was permitted to repose itself but a few
days. Lord Cornwallis, after passing through North Carolina and the
southern parts of Virginia without encountering much opposition, and
effecting a junction with Arnold, who had succeeded by the death of
Philips to the command of the army in Virginia,[75] found himself at
the head of a force which nothing in that state could resist; and
determined on a vigorous plan of offensive operations. His immediate
object was to bring the Marquis to an action; for which purpose he
crossed James River at Westover, where he was joined by a
reinforcement from New York, and attempted, by turning the left flank
of the American army, to get into its rear. Lafayette was not in a
condition to risk an engagement. His objects were the security of the
public stores, the preservation of his small army for future services,
and a junction with the Pennsylvania line which was on its march
southward, under the command of General Wayne. As Lord Cornwallis
crossed James River, he retired towards the upper country, inclining
his route to the north in order to favour a junction with Wayne.
[Footnote 75: General Philips died the day on which the army entered
Petersburg. Arnold on succeeding to the command addressed a letter to
Lafayette, which the American general refused to receive, informing
the officer who brought it, and whom he treated in other respects with
great politeness, that he would receive no letter from Arnold.--_Cor.
of Lafayette._]
The fine horses found in the stables of private gentlemen, gave to the
British general an efficient cavalry; and enabled him to mount so
many infantry, as to move large detachments with unusual rapidity.
With these advantages, he was so confident of overtaking and
destroying his enemy, as to say exultingly in a letter which was
intercepted, "the boy can not escape me." His sanguine hopes, however,
were disappointed. Lafayette moved with so much celerity and caution
as to convince Cornwallis of the impracticability of overtaking him,
or of preventing his junction with Wayne.
After marching some distance up the northern side of Northanora, his
lordship relinquished the pursuit, and turned his attention to other
objects which were more attainable.
Military stores had been collected in various parts of the middle
country, and, among others, at the Point of Fork, a point of land made
by the confluence of the Rivanna and Fluvanna, the two branches of
James' River. Colonel Simcoe was detached with five hundred men
against this post, which was protected by between five and six hundred
new levies, and a few militia. Tarlton, with two hundred and fifty
cavalry and mounted infantry, was ordered at the same time against
Charlottesville, where the general assembly was in session. So rapid
were his movements that a mere accident prevented his entering the
town before any notice of his approach was given. A private gentleman,
Mr. Jouiette, who was acquainted with a nearer route than the great
road, hastened to Charlottesville on a fleet horse with the
interesting intelligence, and entered the town about two hours before
the British cavalry. Nearly all[76] the members of the legislature
made their escape, and reassembled at Staunton, on the western side of
the Blue Ridge. Tarlton, after destroying the stores at
Charlottesville, proceeded down the Rivanna to the Point of Fork.
[Footnote 76: Seven fell into the hands of Tarlton.]
The detachment commanded by Simcoe, being composed chiefly of
infantry, could not move with equal celerity. That officer, however,
conducted his march with so much secrecy and address, that Steuben
seems to have been either unapprized of his approach, or to have had
no accurate information of his numbers. Intelligence of the expedition
to Charlottesville had reached him, and he had prudently employed
himself in removing his stores from the Point of Fork to the south
side of the Fluvanna.
The river was at the time unfordable; and the boats were all secured
on the southern bank. Yet Steuben, suspecting the detachment of Simcoe
to be the van of the British army, or apprehending that Tarlton might
get into his rear, withdrew precipitately in the night, and marched
near thirty miles, leaving behind him such stores as could not be
removed. These were destroyed next morning by a small detachment of
men who crossed the river in a few canoes.
[Sidenote: Presses Lafayette over the Rapidan.]
To secure his junction with Wayne, and to keep open his communication
towards the north, Lafayette had crossed the Rapidan.
[Sidenote: Lafayette forms a junction with Wayne.]
These movements of the two armies had thrown Lord Cornwallis between
Lafayette and the military stores which had been transported from
Richmond up James' River, and deposited at different places, but
principally at Albemarle old court house, high up that river. To this
place Lord Cornwallis directed his march.
The Marquis, having effected a junction with the Pennsylvania line
consisting of eight hundred men, recrossed the Rapidan, and advanced
with so much celerity towards the British army, that he encamped
within a few miles of it, while upwards of a day's march from its
point of destination.
Confident that the object of the American general must be to protect
the magazines on the Fluvanna, Lord Cornwallis encamped at Elk Island,
and advanced his light troops to a position commanding the road, by
which it was supposed the Americans must pass.
Lafayette, however, discovered in the night a nearer road which had
long been disused; and the next morning the British general had the
mortification to perceive that the American army had crossed the
Rivanna, and taken a strong position behind the Mechunk creek, which,
in a great measure, commanded the route leading from the camp of his
lordship to Albemarle old court house. At this place a considerable
reinforcement of mountain militia was received.
[Sidenote: Cornwallis retires to the lower country.]
Apprehending the force opposed to him to be greater than it was in
reality, and probably desirous of transferring the war to the lower
country, Lord Cornwallis abandoned the objects he had pursued, and
retired first to Richmond, and afterwards to Williamsburg.
[Sidenote: June 18.]
The Marquis followed with cautious circumspection. On the 18th of
June, he was reinforced by four or five hundred new levies under the
Baron Steuben, which augmented his army to four thousand men, of whom
two thousand were regulars. That of Lord Cornwallis was, probably,
rather more numerous.
As the British army retreated to Williamsburg, Lafayette, who sought a
partial, though he avoided a general engagement, pressed its rear with
his light parties. Colonel Simcoe, who covered the retreat, was
overtaken by Colonel Butler about six miles from Williamsburg, and a
sharp action ensued. The Americans claimed the advantage; but were
compelled to retire by the approach of the whole British army.
In the bold and rapid course taken by Lord Cornwallis through the
lower and central parts of Virginia, much private as well as public
property[77] was destroyed; and the resources of the state were
considerably diminished; but no solid advantage was obtained.
Although, from various causes, especially from a want of arms, and
from that general repugnance which a harassed, unpaid militia, will
universally manifest to military service, less resistance was
encountered than was to be expected from the strength and population
of the state; no disposition was openly manifested to join the royal
standard, or to withdraw from the contest. The Marquis complained of
"much slowness, and much carelessness in the country; but the
dispositions of the people," he said, "were good, and they required
only to be awakened." This, he thought, would be best effected by the
presence of General Washington, an event for which he expressed the
most anxious solicitude. But Washington deemed it of more importance
to remain on the Hudson, for the purpose of digesting and conducting a
grand plan of combined operations then meditated against New York, by
the execution of which he counted more certainly on relieving the
southern states, than by any other measure it was in his power to
adopt.
[Footnote 77: While the British army overran the country, their ships
sailed up the rivers, pillaged the farms, received the slaves who fled
from their masters, and, in some instances, reduced the houses to
ashes. While they were in the Potowmac, a flag was sent on shore at
Mount Vernon, requiring a supply of fresh provisions. The steward of
General Washington, believing it to be his duty to save the property
of his principal, and entertaining fears for the magnificent buildings
of the Commander-in-chief, went on board with the flag, carried a
supply of fresh provisions, asked the restoration of the slaves who
had taken refuge in the fleet, and requested that the buildings might
be spared. Mr. Lund Washington, to whom the general had entrusted the
management of his estate, communicated these circumstances to him, and
informed him that he too had sustained considerable losses. "I am
sorry," said the general, in reply, "to hear of your loss; I am a
little sorry to hear of my own. But that which gives me most concern
is, that you should have gone on board the vessels of the enemy and
furnished them with refreshments. It would have been a less painful
circumstance to me to have heard, that in consequence of your
non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my home and laid the
plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my
representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of
communicating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of
refreshment to them, with a view to prevent a conflagration."]
[Sidenote: General Washington's letters are intercepted.]
An express carrying letters, communicating to congress the result of
his consultations on this subject, with the commanders of the land and
naval forces of France, was intercepted in Jersey. The interesting
disclosure made by these letters, alarmed Sir Henry Clinton for the
safety of New York, and determined him to require the return of a part
of the troops in Virginia. Supposing himself too weak, after complying
with this requisition, to remain at Williamsburg, Lord Cornwallis took
the resolution of retiring to Portsmouth.
In pursuance of this resolution, he marched from Williamsburg and
encamped in such a manner as to cover the ford into the island of
Jamestown. On the same evening, the Queen's rangers crossed over into
the island; and the two succeeding days were employed in passing over
the baggage.
The morning after the evacuation of Williamsburg, Lafayette changed
his position, and pushed his best troops within nine miles of the
British camp, with the intention of attempting their rear, when the
main body should have passed into Jamestown.
[Sidenote: July 6.]
Suspecting his design, Lord Cornwallis encamped the greater part of
his army on the main land as compactly as possible, and displayed a
few troops on the island in such a manner as, in appearance, to
magnify their numbers. All the intelligence received by Lafayette
concurred in the representation that the greater part of the British
army had passed over to the island in the night. Believing this to be
the fact, he detached some riflemen to harass their out-posts, while
he advanced at the head of the continental troops in order to cut off
the rear.
Every appearance was calculated to countenance the opinion he had
formed. The British light parties were drawn in, and the piquets were
forced by the riflemen without much resistance, but an advanced post
which covered the encampment from the view of the Americans, was
perseveringly maintained, though three of the officers commanding it
were successively picked off by the riflemen. Lafayette, who arrived a
little before sunset, suspected from the obstinacy with which this
post was maintained, that it covered more than a rear guard, and
determined to reconnoitre the camp, and judge of its strength from his
own observation.[78] It was in a great measure concealed by woods;
but from a tongue of land stretching into the river, he perceived the
British force to be much more considerable than had been supposed, and
hastened to call off his men.
[Footnote 78: Correspondence with Lafayette.]
[Sidenote: Action near Jamestown.]
He found Wayne closely engaged. A piece of artillery had been left
weakly defended, which Wayne determined to seize. Scarcely was the
attempt made, when he discovered the whole British army, arranged in
order for battle, moving out against him. To retreat was impossible,
and the boldest had become the safest measure. Under this impression
he advanced rapidly, and, with his small detachment, not exceeding
eight hundred men, made a gallant charge on the British line. A warm
action ensued, which was kept up with great spirit until the arrival
of Lafayette, who, perceiving Wayne to be out-flanked both on the
right and left, ordered him to retreat and form in a line with the
light infantry, who were drawn up about half a mile in his rear. The
whole party then saved itself behind a morass.
Fortunately for Lafayette, Lord Cornwallis did not improve the
advantage he had gained. Suspecting this to be a stratagem of the
American general to draw him into an ambuscade, a suspicion equally
favoured by the hardiness and time of the attack, Lord Cornwallis, who
supposed his enemy to be stronger than he was in reality, would allow
no pursuit; and, in the course of the night, crossed over into the
island, whence he, soon afterwards, proceeded to Portsmouth.
In this action, the Americans lost one hundred and eighteen men, among
whom were ten officers; and two pieces of artillery were left on the
field, the horses attached to them being killed. The British loss was
less considerable.
All active operations were now suspended; and the harassed army of
Lafayette was allowed some repose.
Although no brilliant service was performed by that young nobleman,
the campaign in Virginia enhanced his military reputation, and raised
him in the general esteem. That with so decided an inferiority of
effective force, and especially of cavalry, he had been able to keep
the field in an open country, and to preserve a considerable
proportion of his military stores, as well as his army, was believed
to furnish unequivocal evidence of the prudence and vigour of his
conduct.
CHAPTER XI.
Farther state of affairs in the beginning of the year
1781.... Measures of Mr. Morris, the superintendent of
finances.... Designs of General Washington against New
York.... Count Rochambeau marches to the North River....
Intelligence from the Count de Grasse.... Plan of operations
against Lord Cornwallis.... Naval engagement.... The
combined armies march for the Chesapeake.... Yorktown
invested.... Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.
[Sidenote: 1781]
[Sidenote: State of affairs at the beginning of the year 1781.]
The deep gloom which had enveloped the prospects of America in the
commencement of the year, which darkened for a time in the south, had
also spread itself over the north. The total incompetency of the
political system adopted by the United States to their own
preservation, became every day more apparent. Each state seemed
fearful of doing too much, and of taking upon itself a larger portion
of the common burden than was borne by its neighbour.
The resolutions of congress had called for an army of thirty-seven
thousand men, to be in camp by the first of January. Had this
requisition been made in time, it is not probable that so large a
force could have been brought into the field; but it was made late,
and then the difficulties and delays on the part of the several
states, exceeded every reasonable calculation. The regular force drawn
from Pennsylvania to Georgia inclusive, at no time, during this
active and interesting campaign, amounted to three thousand effective
men; and the states from New Hampshire to New Jersey inclusive, so
late as the month of April, had furnished only five thousand infantry.
Of these, the returns for that month exhibit, in the northern
department, less than three thousand effectives. The cavalry and
artillery, at no time, amounted to one thousand men. This small army
was gradually and slowly augmented so as, in the month of May, to
exhibit a total of near seven thousand men, of whom rather more than
four thousand might have been relied on for action.
The prospects for the campaign were rendered still more unpromising by
the failure of supplies for the support of the troops. The long
expected clothing from Europe had not arrived; and the want of
provisions[79] furnished a still more serious cause of alarm.
[Footnote 79: See note No. V. at the end of the volume.]
After congress had come to the resolution of emitting no more bills on
the credit of the continent, the duty of supplying the army with
provisions necessarily devolved on the states, who were required to
furnish certain specified articles for the subsistence of the troops,
according to a ratio established by the federal government. These
requisitions had been neglected to such a degree as to excite fears
that the soldiers must be disbanded from the want of food.
To increase the general embarrassment, the quartermaster department
was destitute of funds, and unable to transport provisions or other
stores from place to place, but by means of impressment supported by a
military force. This measure had been repeated, especially in New
York, until it excited so much disgust and irritation among the
people, that the Commander-in-chief was under serious apprehensions of
actual resistance to his authority.
While in this state of deplorable imbecility, intelligence from every
quarter announced increasing dangers.
Information was received that an expedition was preparing in Canada
against Fort Pitt, to be conducted by Sir John Johnston, and Colonel
Conelly; and it was understood that many, in the country threatened
with invasion, were ready to join the British standard. The Indians
too had entered into formidable combinations, endangering the whole
extent of the western frontier.
In addition to these alarming circumstances, some vessels had arrived
at Crown Point from Canada, with information that three thousand men
had been assembled on the lakes, for the purpose of attempting, once
more, an invasion from that quarter.
This information, though unfounded, was believed to be true, and was,
at that critical moment, the more alarming, because a correspondence
of a criminal nature had just been discovered between some persons in
Albany and in Canada. A letter intercepted by Generals Schuyler and
Clinton, stated the disaffection of particular settlements, the
provision made in those settlements for the subsistence of an invading
army, and their readiness to join such army.
This intelligence from the northern frontier derived increased
interest from the ambiguous conduct observed by the inhabitants of
that tract of country which now constitutes the state of Vermont. They
had settled lands within the chartered limits of New York, under
grants from the governor of New Hampshire; and had, early in the war,
declared themselves independent, and exercised the powers of
self-government. The state of New York, however, still continuing to
assert her claim of sovereignty, the controversy on this delicate
subject had become so violent as to justify the apprehension that, in
the opinion of the people of Vermont, the restoration of British
authority was an evil not of greater magnitude, than the establishment
of that of New York. The declaration was openly made that, if not
admitted into the union as an independent state, they held themselves
at liberty to make a separate peace; and some negotiations had been
commenced, which were believed to manifest a disposition in Vermont,
to abandon the common cause of America.
Accustomed to contemplate all public events which might grow out of
the situation of the United States, and to prepare for them while at a
distance, the American chief was not depressed by this state of
American affairs. With a mind happily tempered by nature, and improved
by experience, those fortunate events which had occasionally
brightened the prospects of his country, never relaxed his exertions,
or lessened his precautions; nor could the most disastrous state of
things drive him to despair. Although entirely uncertain what
operation he might be enabled to undertake during the approaching
campaign, he had adopted such preparatory steps as might enable him to
turn to advantage any fortunate incident which might occur. In
consequence of conferences previously held with the Count de
Rochambeau, for the purpose of digesting a system adapted to
contingent events, orders were transmitted to that officer, directing
him to be in readiness to march as large a body of the French troops
to the North River, as could be spared from the protection of the
fleet.
Early in May, the Count de Barras, who had been appointed to the
command of the French fleet stationed on the American coast, arrived
in Boston accompanied by the Viscount de Rochambeau, and brought the
long expected information from the cabinet of Versailles, respecting
the naval armament designed to act in the American seas. Twenty ships
of the line, to be commanded by the Count de Grasse, were destined for
the West Indies, twelve of which were to proceed to the continent of
America, and might be expected to arrive in the month of July.
[Sidenote: Designs of General Washington against New York.]
An interview between General Washington and the Count de Rochambeau
immediately took place at Weathersfield, in which it was determined to
unite the troops of France to those of America on the Hudson, and to
proceed against New York. The regular army at that station was
estimated at four thousand five hundred men,[80] and though it was
understood that Sir Henry Clinton would be able to reinforce it with
five or six thousand militia, it was believed that the post could not
be maintained without recalling a considerable part of the troops from
the south; in which event, the allied army might be employed
advantageously in that part of the union.
[Footnote 80: Sir H. Clinton in a letter to Lord Cornwallis, dated
June 11, 1781, states his effective force at ten thousand nine hundred
and thirty-one.]
The prospect of expelling the British from New York roused the
northern states from that apathy into which they appeared to be
sinking, and vigorous measures were taken to fill their regiments. Yet
those measures were not completely successful. In the month of June,
when the army took the field, and encamped at Peekskill, its
effective numbers did not exceed five thousand men.
Such was the American force in the north, with which the campaign of
1781 was opened. It fell so far short of that on which the
calculations had been made at Weathersfield, as to excite serious
doubts respecting the propriety of adhering to the plan there
concerted, although some compensation was made for this deficiency on
the part of the states by the arrival of a reinforcement of fifteen
hundred men to the army of Rochambeau under convoy of a fifty gun
frigate.
To supply even this army with provisions, required much greater
exertions than had ever been made since the system of requisitions had
been substituted for that of purchasing. The hope of terminating the
war produced these exertions. The legislatures of the New England
states took up the subject in earnest, and passed resolutions for
raising the necessary supplies. But until these resolutions could be
executed, the embarrassments of the army continued; and, for some time
after the troops had taken the field, there was reason to apprehend,
either that the great objects of the campaign must be relinquished for
want of provisions, or that coercive means must still be used.
New England not furnishing flour, this important article was to be
drawn from New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. The two first
states were much exhausted; and the application to Pennsylvania did
not promise to be very successful. On this subject, therefore, serious
fears existed.
These were removed, in a great degree, by the activity and exertions
of an individual.
[Sidenote: Superintendent of finances appointed.]
The management of the finances had been lately committed to Mr. Robert
Morris, a delegate to congress from the state of Pennsylvania. This
gentleman united considerable political talents to a degree of
mercantile enterprise, information, and credit, seldom equalled in any
country. He had accepted this arduous appointment on the condition of
being allowed the year 1781 to make his arrangements; during which
time, the department was to be conducted by those already employed,
with the resources which government could command. But the critical
state of public affairs, and the pressing wants of the army, furnished
irresistible motives for changing his original determination, and
entering immediately on the duties of his office. The occasion
required that he should bring his private credit in aid of the public
resources, and pledge himself personally and extensively, for articles
of absolute necessity which could not be otherwise obtained.
Condemning the system of violence and of legal fraud, which had too
long been practised, as being calculated to defeat its own object, he
sought the gradual restoration of confidence by the only means which
could restore it:--a punctual and faithful compliance with his
engagements. Herculean as was this task in the existing derangement of
American finances, he entered upon it courageously; and, if not
completely successful, certainly did more than could have been
supposed possible with the means placed in his hands. It is, in no
inconsiderable degree, to be attributed to him, that the very active
and decisive operations of the campaign were not impeded, perhaps
defeated, by a failure of the means for transporting military stores,
and feeding the army.