The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)
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The redoubt attacked by the French was defended by a greater number of
men; and the resistance, being greater, was not overcome so quickly,
or with so little loss. One hundred and twenty men, commanded by a
lieutenant colonel, were in this work, eighteen of whom were killed,
and forty-two, including a captain and two subaltern officers, were
made prisoners. The assailants lost, in killed and wounded, near one
hundred men.
The Commander-in-chief was highly gratified with the active courage
displayed in this assault. Speaking of it in his diary, he says--"The
bravery exhibited by the attacking troops was emulous and
praiseworthy. Few cases have exhibited greater proofs of intrepidity,
coolness, and firmness, than were shown on this occasion." The orders
of the succeeding day, congratulating the army on the capture of these
important works, expressed a high sense of the judicious dispositions
and gallant conduct of both the Baron de Viominel and the Marquis de
Lafayette, and requested them to convey to every officer and man
engaged in the enterprise, the acknowledgments of the
Commander-in-chief for the spirit and rapidity with which they
advanced to the attack, and for the admirable firmness with which they
supported themselves under the fire of the enemy without returning a
shot. "The general reflects," concluding the orders, "with the highest
degree of pleasure, on the confidence which the troops of the two
nations must hereafter have in each other. Assured of mutual support,
he is convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully
encounter, no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."[86]
[Footnote 86: General Lafayette states a fact which proves in an
eminent degree the good feelings of the American soldiers towards
their allies. While encamped together under his command at
Williamsburg, the Americans, who were _bivouacked_, saw their allies
under tents without a murmur; and saw them supplied regularly with
rations of flour for three days from the American magazines, while
corn meal was measured out very irregularly to themselves. The
superior officers lent their horses to those of France and walked
themselves. Although their general was himself a Frenchman, the
Americans saw not only without jealousy, but with pleasure, every
preference given to their allies.]
[Illustration: The Moore House at Yorktown, Virginia
_Where the terms for the surrender of the British army were arranged
between Washington and Cornwallis. The actual drafting of the terms
was done by the Viscount de Noailles and Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens,
representing the French-American forces, and Colonel Dundas and Major
Ross for the British._]
During the same night, these redoubts were included in the second
parallel; and, in the course of the next day, some howitzers were
placed in them, which, by five in the afternoon, were opened on the
besieged.
[Sidenote: October 16.]
The situation of Lord Cornwallis was becoming desperate. His works
were sinking, in every quarter, under the fire of the besiegers. The
batteries already playing on him had silenced nearly all his guns, and
the second parallel was about to open, which must in a few hours
render the town untenable. To suspend a catastrophe which appeared
almost inevitable, he resolved on attempting to retard the completion
of the second parallel, by a vigorous sortie against two batteries
which appeared to be in the greatest forwardness, and were guarded by
French troops. The party making this sortie was led by Lieutenant
Colonel Abercrombie, who attacked the two batteries with great
impetuosity about four in the morning, and carried both with
inconsiderable loss; but the guards from the trenches immediately
advancing on the assailants, they retreated without being able to
effect any thing of importance.
About four in the afternoon the besiegers opened several batteries in
their second parallel; and it was apparent that, in the course of the
ensuing day, the whole line of batteries in that parallel would be
ready to play on the town. The works of the besieged were not in a
condition to sustain so tremendous a fire. In this extremity, Lord
Cornwallis formed the bold design of forcing his way to New York.
He determined to leave his sick and baggage behind, and, crossing over
in the night with his effectives to the Gloucester shore, to attack De
Choise. After cutting to pieces or dispersing the troops under that
officer, he intended to mount his infantry on the horses taken from
that detachment, and on others to be seized on the road, and, by a
rapid march to gain the fords of the great rivers, and, forcing his
way through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Jersey, to form a junction
with the army in New York.[87]
[Footnote 87: Stedman, Annual Register, letter of Lord Cornwallis.]
This desperate attempt would be extremely hazardous; but the situation
of the British general had become so hopeless, that it could scarcely
be changed for the worse.
Boats prepared under other pretexts were held in readiness to receive
the troops at ten in the evening, and convey them over the river. The
arrangements were made with such secrecy that the first embarkation
arrived at the point unperceived, and part of the troops were landed,
when a sudden and violent storm interrupted the execution of this
hazardous plan, and drove the boats down the river. The storm
continued till near daylight, when the boats returned. But the plan
was necessarily abandoned, and the boats were sent to bring back the
soldiers, who were relanded on the southern shore in the course of the
forenoon without much loss.
[Sidenote: October 17.]
[Sidenote: October 18.]
[Sidenote: Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.]
In the morning of the seventeenth, several new batteries were opened
in the second parallel, which poured in a weight of fire not to be
resisted. The place being no longer tenable, Lord Cornwallis, about
ten in the forenoon, beat a parley, and proposed a cessation of
hostilities for twenty-four hours, that commissioners might meet at
Moore's house, which was just in the rear of the first parallel, to
settle terms for the surrender of the posts of York and Gloucester. To
this letter General Washington returned an immediate answer declaring
his "ardent desire to spare the further effusion of blood, and his
readiness to listen to such terms as were admissible;" but as in the
present crisis he could not consent to lose a moment in fruitless
negotiations, he desired that "previous to the meeting of the
commissioners, the proposals of his lordship might be transmitted in
writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two hours
should be granted." The general propositions[88] stated by Lord
Cornwallis as forming the basis of the capitulation, though not all
admissible, being such as led to the opinion that no great difficulty
would occur in adjusting the terms, the suspension of hostilities was
prolonged for the night. In the mean time, to avoid the delay of
useless discussion, the Commander-in-chief drew up and proposed such
articles[89] as he would be willing to grant. These were transmitted
to Lord Cornwallis with the accompanying declaration that, if he
approved them, commissioners might be immediately appointed to digest
them into form. In consequence of this message, the Viscount de
Noailles, and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, were met next day by Colonel
Dundass and Major Ross; but, being unable to adjust the terms of
capitulation definitively, only a rough draught of them could be
prepared, which was to be submitted to the consideration of the
British general. Determined not to expose himself to those accidents
which time might produce, General Washington could not permit any
suspense on the part of Lord Cornwallis. He therefore immediately
directed the rough articles which had been prepared by the
commissioners to be fairly transcribed, and sent them to his lordship
early next morning, with a letter expressing his expectation that they
would be signed by eleven, and that the garrison would march out by
two in the afternoon. Finding all attempts to obtain better terms
unavailing, Lord Cornwallis submitted to a necessity no longer to be
avoided, and, on the 19th of October, surrendered the posts of
Yorktown and Gloucester Point, with their garrisons, and the ships in
the harbour with their seamen, to the land and naval forces of America
and France.
[Footnote 88: See note No. VI. at the end of the volume.]
[Footnote 89: See note No. VII. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: Nineteenth.]
The army, artillery, arms, military chest, and public stores of every
denomination, were surrendered to General Washington; the ships and
seamen, to the Count de Grasse. The total number of prisoners,[90]
excluding seamen, rather exceeded seven thousand men. The loss
sustained by the garrison during the siege, amounted to five hundred
and fifty-two men, including six officers.
[Footnote 90: The return of prisoners contained two generals,
thirty-one field officers, three hundred and twenty-six captains and
subalterns, seventy-one regimental staff, six thousand five hundred
and twenty-seven non-commissioned officers and privates, and one
hundred and twenty-four persons belonging to the hospital, commissary,
and wagon departments, making in the whole seven thousand and
seventy-three prisoners. To this number are to be added six
commissioned, and twenty-eight non-commissioned officers and privates
made prisoners in the two redoubts which were stormed, and in the
sortie made by the garrison.]
Lord Cornwallis endeavoured to introduce an article into the
capitulation, for the security of those Americans who had joined the
British army; but the subject was declared to belong to the civil
department, and the article was rejected. Its object, however, was
granted without appearing to concede it. His lordship was permitted to
send the Bonetta sloop of war untouched, with despatches to Sir Henry
Clinton; and the Americans whose conduct had been most offensive to
their countrymen were embarked on board this vessel.
The allied army may be estimated, including militia, at sixteen
thousand men. In the course of this siege, they lost, in killed and
wounded, about three hundred. The treaty was opened on the eleventh
day after the ground was broken by the besiegers, and the capitulation
was signed on the thirteenth. The whole army merited great
approbation; but, from the nature of the service, the artillerists and
engineers were enabled to distinguish themselves particularly.
Generals du Portail and Knox were each promoted to the rank of Major
General; and Colonel Govion, and Captain Rochfontaine, of the corps of
engineers, were each advanced a grade by brevet. In addition to the
officers belonging to those departments, Generals Lincoln, De
Lafayette, and Steuben, were particularly mentioned by the
Commander-in-chief, in his orders issued the day after the
capitulation; and terms of peculiar warmth were applied to Governor
Nelson, who continued in the field during the whole siege, at the head
of the militia of Virginia; and also exerted himself, in a particular
manner, to furnish the army with those supplies which the country
afforded. The highest acknowledgments were made to the Count de
Rochambeau; and several other French officers were named with
distinction. So many disasters had attended the former efforts of the
United States to avail themselves of the succours occasionally
afforded by France, that an opinion not very favourable to the
alliance appears to have gained some ground in the country, and to
have insinuated itself into the army. The Commander-in-chief seized
this occasion to discountenance a course of thinking from which he had
always feared pernicious consequences, and displayed the great value
of the aids lately received, in language highly flattering to the
French monarch, as well as to the land and naval forces of that
nation.
Knowing the influence which the loss of the army in Virginia must have
on the war, Sir Henry Clinton determined to hazard much for its
preservation. About seven thousand of his best troops sailed for the
Chesapeake, under convoy of a fleet augmented to twenty-five ships of
the line. This armament left the Hook the day on which the
capitulation was signed at Yorktown, and appeared off the capes of
Virginia on the 24th of October. Unquestionable intelligence being
there received that Lord Cornwallis had surrendered, the British
general returned to New York.
The exultation manifested throughout the United States at the capture
of this formidable army was equal to the terror it had inspired. In
congress, the intelligence was received with joy proportioned to the
magnitude of the event; and the sense of that body on this brilliant
achievement was expressed in various resolutions, returning the thanks
of the United States to the Commander-in-chief, to the Count de
Rochambeau, to the Count de Grasse, to the officers of the allied army
generally, and to the corps of artillery, and engineers particularly.
In addition to these testimonials of gratitude, it was resolved that a
marble column should be erected at Yorktown, in Virginia, with emblems
of the alliance between the United States and his Most Christian
Majesty, and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender of
Earl Cornwallis to his Excellency General Washington, the
Commander-in-chief of the combined forces of America and France; to
his Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary
troops of his Most Christian Majesty in America; and to his Excellency
Count de Grasse, commanding in chief the naval army of France in the
Chesapeake. Two stand of colours taken in Yorktown were presented to
General Washington; two pieces of field ordnance to the Count de
Rochambeau; and application was made to his Most Christian Majesty, to
permit the Admiral to accept a testimonial of their approbation
similar to that presented to the Count de Rochambeau. Congress
determined to go in solemn procession to the Dutch Lutheran church, to
return thanks to Almighty God for crowning the allied arms with
success, by the surrender of the whole British army under Lord
Cornwallis; and also issued a proclamation, appointing the 13th day of
December for general thanksgiving and prayer, on account of this
signal interposition of Divine Providence.
It was not by congress only that the public joy at this great event,
and the public approbation of the conduct of General Washington were
displayed. The most flattering and affectionate addresses of
congratulation were presented from every part of the union; and state
governments, corporate towns, and learned institutions, vied with each
other in the testimonials they gave of their high sense of his
important services, and of their attachment to his person and
character.
The superiority of the allied force opened a prospect of still farther
advantages. The remaining posts of the British in the southern states
were too weak to be defended against the army which had triumphed over
Lord Cornwallis; and the troops which occupied them could neither
escape nor be reinforced, if the Count de Grasse could be prevailed on
to co-operate against them. Although, in his first conference, he had
explicitly declared his inability to engage in any enterprise to be
undertaken subsequent to that against Yorktown,[91] the siege of that
place had employed so much less time than the admiral had consented to
appropriate to it, that the general resumed his plan of southern
operations. In a letter addressed to De Grasse, he used every argument
which might operate on his love of fame, or his desire to promote the
interests of the allies, to prevail on him to co-operate in an
expedition against Charleston. If this object should be unattainable,
his attention was next turned to Wilmington, in North Carolina, which
was still occupied by a small detachment of British troops who kept
that state in check. The capture of this detachment, though not an
object of much consequence in itself, was supposed to derive some
importance from the influence which the complete liberation of North
Carolina might have on the future military operations of the United
States, and on their negotiations. General Washington proposed to send
a detachment intended to reinforce General Greene, as far as
Wilmington, under convoy. The reduction of that place, he supposed,
would detain the fleet but a few days, after which it might proceed to
the West Indies.
[Footnote 91: See note No. VIII. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: October 23.]
To enforce the representations contained in his letter, as well as to
pay his respects to the admiral, and to express in person the high
sense entertained of his important services, the Commander-in-chief
repaired on board the Ville de Paris. The Count acknowledged his
conviction of the advantages to be expected from an expedition against
Charleston; but said, that "the orders of his court, ulterior
projects, and his engagements with the Spaniards, rendered it
impossible for him to remain on the coast during the time which would
be required for the operation." As he also declined taking on board
the troops designed to reinforce General Greene, preparations were
made for their march by land; and Major General St. Clair, who
commanded the detachment, was ordered to take Wilmington in his route,
and to gain possession of that post.
[Sidenote: November.]
The Count de Grasse having consented to remain in the bay a few days
for the purpose of covering the transportation of the eastern troops,
and of the ordnance to the Head of Elk, they were embarked in the
beginning of November, under the command of General Lincoln, who was
directed to march them into New Jersey and New York, and to canton
them for the winter in those states.[92] The French troops remained in
Virginia, not only for the protection of that state, but to be in
readiness to march southward or northward, as the exigencies of the
ensuing campaign might require.
[Footnote 92: See note No. IX. at the end of the volume.]
The transportation of the troops and ordnance to the Head of Elk being
effected, the Count de Grasse sailed for the West Indies, and the
Commander-in-chief proceeded to Philadelphia.
NOTES.
NOTE--No. I. _See Page 3_
_The following petition addressed to Governor Livingston, will furnish
some evidence of the situation to which that part of Jersey was
reduced._
To his excellency William Livingston, esquire, governor, captain
general, and commander-in-chief in and over the state of New Jersey
and the territories thereunto belonging in America, chancellor and
ordinary in the same--the humble petition of the officers, civil and
military, whose names are hereunto subscribed,
Showeth,--That a large detachment of the British army, a few weeks
ago, made an invasion into the lower counties of this state on
Delaware, and plundered a few of the inhabitants. That at present a
large detachment are invading them a second time. That the enemy in
this second incursion, have, as we have been credibly informed, by the
express orders of Colonel Mawhood, the commanding officer, bayoneted
and butchered in the most inhuman manner, a number of the militia who
have unfortunately fallen into their hands. That Colonel Mawhood
immediately after the massacre, in open letters, sent to both officers
and privates by a flag, had the effrontery to insult us with a demand,
that we should lay down our arms, and if not, threatened to burn,
destroy, and lay the whole country waste, and more especially the
property of a number of our most distinguished men, whom he named.
That he has since put his threat into execution, in one instance, by
burning one of the finest dwelling houses in Salem county, and all the
other buildings on the same farm, the property of Colonel Benjamin
Home. That plunder, rapine, and devastation in the most fertile and
populous parts of these counties, widely mark their footsteps wherever
they go. That they are spreading disaffection, they are using every
possible means to corrupt the minds of the people, who, within their
lines, have so little virtue as to purchase from them.
That we are in no state of defence. That we are so exposed by reason
of our situation, that some of our officers, civil and military, have
moved out of the counties for safety. That our militia, during the
last winter, have been so fatigued out by repeated calls and
continued service, and disaffection is now so widely diffused, that
very few can be called out, in some places, none. That we have no
troops of light horse regularly embodied, there is a scarcity of small
arms among us, and no field pieces. That in these two incursions, we
have very sensibly felt the want of field pieces and artillery men,
that the number of us assembled is so small, that though we should use
the greatest conduct and bravery, we could only provoke, not injure
our enemy.
That the extent of our country is so great, that our small number of
men fatigued out, indifferently armed and without field pieces, can
not defend it. That, as Delaware runs all along those counties, we are
liable to be attacked in numberless places.
That the acquisition of these counties would be of great advantage to
the enemy. That they could nearly maintain their whole army a campaign
by the plunder, forage, and assistance they could draw from them. That
although the United States might not need them, yet it might perhaps
be adviseable to defend them, to prevent the advantage the enemy might
receive from them. That our riches, and former virtue, make us a prey
to an enemy, whose tender mercies are cruelties.
That in short, our situation is beyond description deplorable. That
the powers civil and military are daily relaxing, and disaffection
prevailing. That we can neither stay at our houses, go out, nor come
in with safety. That we can neither plough, plant, sow, reap nor
gather. That we are fast falling into poverty, distress, and into the
hands of our enemy. That unless there can be sent to our relief and
assistance a sufficient body of standing troops, we must be under the
disagreeable necessity of leaving the country to the enemy, and
removing ourselves and families to distant places for safety. That
although the present detachment may be fled and gone, before the
relief reaches us, yet a body of troops are necessary for our
protection, as long as the enemy possess Philadelphia. And these are
the sentiments not only of us the subscribers, but of all the rest of
the officers civil and military, and other the good subjects of this
state in these counties.
NOTE--No. II. _See Page 85_
_The following is the report made by the committee:_
"January 1, 1779. The committee appointed to confer with the
Commander-in-chief on the operations of the next campaign, report,
that the plan proposed by congress for the emancipation of Canada, in
co-operation with an army from France, was the principal subject of
the said conference.
"That, impressed with a strong sense of the injury and disgrace which
must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulations, on the part of
these states, your committee have taken a general view of our
finances, of the circumstances of our army, of the magazines of
clothes, artillery, arms and ammunition, and of the provisions in
store, and which can be collected in season.
"Your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence and
observations communicated to them by the Commander-in-chief,
respecting the number of troops and strong holds of the enemy in
Canada; their naval force, and entire command of the water
communication with that country--the difficulties, while they possess
such signal advantages, of penetrating it with an army by land--the
obstacles which are to be surmounted in acquiring a naval
superiority--the hostile temper of many of the surrounding Indian
tribes towards these states, and above all the uncertainty whether the
enemy will not persevere in their system of harassing and distressing
our sea-coast and frontiers by a predatory war.
"That on the most mature deliberation, your committee can not find room
for a well grounded presumption that these states will be able to
perform their part of the proposed stipulations. That in a measure of
such moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a single object a
considerable portion of the force of our ally, which may otherwise be
essentially employed, nothing else than the highest probability of
success could justify congress in making the proposition.
"Your committee are therefore of opinion that the negotiation in
question, however desirable, and interesting, should be deferred until
circumstances render the co-operation of these states more certain,
practicable, and effectual.
"That the minister plenipotentiary of these states at the court of
Versailles, the minister of France in Pennsylvania, and the minister
of France, be respectively informed that the operations of the next
campaign must depend on such a variety of contingencies to arise, as
well from our own internal circumstances and resources, as the
progress and movements of our enemy, that time alone can mature and
point out the plan which ought to be pursued. That congress,
therefore, can not, with a degree of confidence answerable to the
magnitude of the object, decide on the practicability of their
co-operating the next campaign, in an enterprise for the emancipation
of Canada; that every preparation in our power will nevertheless be
made for acting with vigour against the common enemy, and every
favourable incident embraced with alacrity, to facilitate, and hasten
the freedom and independence of Canada, and her union with these
states--events which congress, from motives of policy with respect to
the United States, as well as of affection for their Canadian
brethren, have greatly at heart."