The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)
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Mr. de Sevelinges in his introduction to Botta's History, recites the
private instructions given to Mr. Girard on his mission to the United
States. One article was, "to avoid entering into any formal engagement
relative to Canada and other English possessions which congress
proposed to conquer." Mr. de Sevelinges adds that "the policy of the
cabinet of Versailles viewed the possession of those countries,
especially of Canada by England, as a principle of useful inquietude
and vigilance to the Americans. The neighbourhood of a formidable
enemy must make them feel more sensibly the price which they ought to
attach to the friendship and support of the king of France."
The author has reason to believe that this policy was known to the
Marquis de Lafayette when his devotion to the interests of the United
States induced him to add his influence to their solicitations for aid
to this enterprise.
NOTE--No. III. _See Page 233_
_A letter to President Reed of Pennsylvania from which the following
extracts are taken, is selected from many others written with the same
view._
"Morristown, May 28th, 1780.
"DEAR SIR,--I am much obliged to you for your favour of the 23d.
Nothing could be more necessary than the aid given by your state
towards supplying us with provisions. I assure you, every idea you can
form of our distresses, will fall short of the reality. There is such
a combination of circumstances to exhaust the patience of the
soldiery, that it begins at length to be worn out, and we see in every
line of the army, the most serious features of mutiny and sedition:
all our departments, all our operations are at a stand; and unless a
system very different from that which has for a long time prevailed,
be immediately adopted throughout the states, our affairs must soon
become desperate beyond the possibility of recovery. If you were on
the spot, my dear sir, if you could see what difficulties surround us
on every side, how unable we are to administer to the most ordinary
calls of the service, you would be convinced that these expressions
are not too strong: and that we have every thing to dread: Indeed I
have almost ceased to hope. The country in general is in such a state
of insensibility and indifference to its interests, that I dare not
flatter myself with any change for the better.
"The committee of congress in their late address to the several
states, have given a just picture of our situation. I very much doubt
its making the desired impression; and if it does not, I shall
consider our lethargy as incurable. The present juncture is so
interesting, that if it does not produce correspondent exertions, it
will be a proof, that motives of honour, public good, and even
self-preservation, have lost their influence upon our minds. This is a
decisive moment, one of the most, I will go further and say, the most
important America has seen. The court of France has made a glorious
effort for our deliverance, and if we disappoint its intentions by our
supineness, we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind;
nor can we, after that, venture to confide that our allies will
persist in an attempt to establish what it will appear we want
inclination or ability to assist them in.
"Every view of our own circumstances ought to determine us to the most
vigorous efforts; but there are considerations of another kind, that
should have equal weight. The combined fleets of France and Spain last
year were greatly superior to those of the enemy; the enemy
nevertheless sustained no material damage, and at the close of the
campaign gave a very important blow to our allies. This campaign, the
difference between the fleets, from every account I have been able to
collect, will be inconsiderable: indeed it is far from clear that
there will be an equality. What are we to expect will be the case if
there should be another campaign? In all probability the advantage
would be on the side of the English, and then what would become of
America? We ought not to deceive ourselves. The maritime resources of
Great Britain are more substantial and real than those of France and
Spain united. Her commerce is more extensive than that of both her
rivals; and it is an axiom, that the nation which has the most
extensive commerce will always have the most powerful marine. Were
this argument less convincing, the fact speaks for itself: her
progress in the course of the last year is an incontestable proof.
"It is true France in a manner created a fleet in a very short space,
and this may mislead us in the judgment we form of her naval
abilities. But if they bore any comparison with those of Great
Britain, how comes it to pass, that with all the force of Spain added,
she has lost so much ground in so short a time, as now to have
scarcely a superiority. We should consider what was done by France, as
a violent and unnatural effort of the government, which, for want of
sufficient foundation, can not continue to operate proportionable
effects.
"In modern wars, the longest purse must chiefly determine the event. I
fear that of the enemy will be found to be so. Though the government
is deeply in debt and of course poor, the nation is rich, and their
riches afford a fund which will not be easily exhausted. Besides,
their system of public credit is such, that it is capable of greater
exertions than that of any other nation. Speculatists have been a long
time foretelling its downfall; but we see no symptoms of the
catastrophe being very near. I am persuaded it will at least last out
the war.
"France is in a very different position. The abilities of the present
financier, have done wonders; by a wise administration of the
revenues, aided by advantageous loans, he has avoided the necessity of
additional taxes. But I am well informed if the war continues another
campaign, he will be obliged to have recourse to the taxes usual in
time of war, which are very heavy, and which the people of France are
not in a condition to endure for any length of time. When this
necessity commences, France makes war on ruinous terms, and England,
from her individual wealth, will find much greater facilities in
supplying her exigencies.
"Spain derives great wealth from her mines, but it is not so great as
is generally imagined. Of late years the profit to government is
essentially diminished. Commerce and industry are the best mines of a
nation; both which are wanted by her. I am told her treasury is far
from being so well filled as we have flattered ourselves. She is also
much divided on the propriety of the war. There is a strong party
against it. The temper of the nation is too sluggish to admit of great
exertions; and though the courts of the two kingdoms are closely
linked together, there never has been in any of their wars, a perfect
harmony of measures, nor has it been the case in this; which has
already been no small detriment to the common cause.
"I mention these things to show that the circumstances of our allies,
as well as our own, call for peace, to obtain which we must make one
great effort this campaign. The present instance of the friendship of
the court of France, is attended with every circumstance that can
render it important and agreeable, that can interest our gratitude or
fire our emulation. If we do our duty we may even hope to make the
campaign decisive of the contest. But we must do our duty in earnest,
or disgrace and ruin will attend us. I am sincere in declaring a full
persuasion that the succour will be fatal to us if our measures are
not adequate to the emergency.
"Now, my dear sir, I must observe to you, that much will depend on the
state of Pennsylvania. She has it in her power to contribute, without
comparison, more to our success, than any other state, in the two
essential articles of flour and transportation. I speak to you in the
language of frankness, and as a friend. I do not mean to make any
insinuations unfavourable to the state. I am aware of the
embarrassment the government labours under from the open opposition of
one party and the underhand intrigues of another. I know that with the
best dispositions to promote the public service, you have been obliged
to move with circumspection. But this is a time to hazard, and to take
a tone of energy and decision. All parties but the disaffected will
acquiesce in the necessity and give their support.
"The matter is reduced to a point. Either Pennsylvania must give us
all we ask, or we can undertake nothing. We must renounce every idea
of co-operation, and must confess to our allies that we look wholly to
them for our safety. This will be a state of humiliation and
bitterness against which the feelings of every good American ought to
revolt. Yours I am convinced will, nor have I the least doubt, but
that you will employ all your influence to animate the legislature and
the people at large. The fate of these states hangs upon it. God grant
we may be properly impressed with the consequences.
"I wish the legislature could be engaged to vest the executive with
plenipotentiary powers. I should then expect every thing practicable
from your abilities and zeal. This is not a time for formality and
ceremony. The crisis in every point of view is extraordinary, and
extraordinary expedients are necessary. I am decided in this opinion."
NOTE--No. IV. _See Page 261_
Andre having been unquestionably a spy, and his sentence consequently
just; and the plot in which he had engaged having threatened
consequences the most fatal to America; his execution, had he been an
ordinary person, would certainly have been viewed with cold
indifference. But he was not an ordinary person. In a letter written
at the time by Colonel Hamilton, who in genius, in candour, and in
romantic heroism, did not yield to this unfortunate Englishman, the
character of Andre is thus feelingly and eloquently drawn. "There was
something singularly interesting in the character and fortunes of
Andre. To an excellent understanding, well improved by education and
travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the
advantages of a pleasing person. It is said he possessed a pretty
taste for the fine arts, and had himself attained some proficiency in
poetry, music, and painting. His knowledge appeared without
ostentation, and embellished by a diffidence that rarely accompanies
so many talents and accomplishments, which left you to suppose more
than appeared. His sentiments were elevated and inspired esteem, they
had a softness that conciliated affection. His elocution was handsome,
his address easy, polite, and insinuating. By his merit he had
acquired the unlimited confidence of his general, and was making rapid
progress in military rank and reputation. But in the height of his
career, flushed with new hopes from the execution of a project the
most beneficial to his party that could be devised, he is at once
precipitated from the summit of prosperity, sees all the expectations
of his ambition blasted, and himself ruined. The character I have
given of him is drawn partly from what I saw of him myself, and partly
from information. I am aware that a man of real merit is never seen in
so favorable a light as through the medium of adversity. The clouds
that surround him are so many shades that set off his good qualities.
Misfortune cuts down little vanities, that in prosperous times, serve
as so many spots in his virtues; and gives a tone to humanity that
makes his worth more amiable.
"His spectators, who enjoy a happier lot, are less prone to detract
from it through envy; and are much disposed by compassion to give the
credit he deserves, and perhaps even to magnify it."
NOTE--No. V. _See Page 377_
On the first of May, 1781, General Washington commenced a military
journal. The following is a brief statement of the situation of the
army at that time. "I begin at this epoch, a concise journal of
military transactions, &c. I lament not having attempted it from the
commencement of the war in aid of my memory: and wish the multiplicity
of matter which continually surrounds me, and the embarrassed state of
our affairs, which is momentarily calling the attention to
perplexities of one kind or another, may not defeat altogether, or so
interrupt my present intention and plan, as to render it of little
avail.
"To have the clearer understanding of the entries which may follow, it
would be proper to recite, in detail, our wants, and our prospects;
but this alone would be a work of much time, and great magnitude. It
may suffice to give the sum of them, which I shall do in a few words,
viz:
"Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty
pittance scattered here and there in the different states.
"Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores,
they are poorly provided, and the workmen all leaving them.--Instead
of having the various articles of field equipage in readiness to
deliver, the quartermaster general is but now applying to the several
states (as the dernier ressort) to provide these things for their
troops respectively. Instead of having a regular system of
transportation established upon credit--or funds in the
quartermaster's hands to defray the contingent expenses of it--we have
neither the one or the other; and all that business, or a great part
of it, being done by military impressment, we are daily and hourly
oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alienating their
affections. Instead of having the regiments completed to the new
establishments (and which ought to have been so by the ---- of ----
[Transcriber's Note: end parenthesis missing] agreeably to the
requisitions of congress, scarce any state in the union has, at this
hour, one-eighth part of its quota in the field; and there is little
prospect that I can see of ever getting more than half. In a word,
instead of having every thing in readiness to take the field, we have
nothing. And instead of having the prospect of a glorious offensive
campaign before us, we have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a
defensive one; unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land
troops and money from our generous allies: and these at present are
too contingent to build upon."
NOTE--No. VI. _See Page 405_
York in Virginia, 17th October, 1781, half past four, P.M.
SIR,--I have this moment been honoured with your excellency's letter
dated this day. The time limited for sending my answer will not admit
of entering into the details of articles, but the basis of my
proposals will be, that the garrisons of York and Gloucester shall be
prisoners of war with the customary honours; and for the convenience
of the individuals which I have the honour to command, that the
British shall be sent to Britain, and the Germans to Germany, under
engagements not to serve against France, America, or their allies,
until released or regularly exchanged. That all arms and public stores
shall be delivered up to you, but that the usual indulgence of side
arms to officers and of retaining private property shall be granted to
officers and soldiers; and the interests of individuals in civil
capacities, and connected with us, shall be attended to. If your
excellency thinks that a continuance of the suspension of hostilities
will be necessary to transmit your answer, I shall have no objection
to the hour that you propose. I have the honour to be,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
CORNWALLIS.
His excellency General Washington, &c. &c. &c.
NOTE--No. VII. _See Page 406_
Head quarters before York, 18th October, 1781.
MY LORD,--To avoid unnecessary discussions and delays, I shall at
once, in answer to your lordship's letter of yesterday, declare the
general basis upon which a definitive treaty of capitulation must take
place. The garrison of York and Gloucester, including the seamen, as
you propose, will be received prisoners of war. The condition annexed
of sending the British and German troops to the parts of Europe to
which they respectively belong, is inadmissible. Instead of this, they
will be marched to such parts of the country as can most conveniently
provide for their subsistence; and the benevolent treatment of
prisoners, which is invariably observed by the Americans, will be
extended to them. The same honours will be granted to the surrendering
army, as were granted to the garrison of Charleston.
The shipping and boats in the two harbours, with all their guns,
stores, tackling, furniture, and apparel, shall be delivered in their
present state to an officer of the navy appointed to take possession
of them.
The artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores
of every denomination, shall be delivered unimpaired, to the heads of
departments, to which they respectively belong.
The officers will be indulged in retaining their side arms, and the
officers and soldiers may preserve their baggage and effects with this
reserve, that property taken in the country will be reclaimed.
With regard to the individuals in civil capacities, whose interests
your lordship wishes may be attended to, until they are more
particularly described, nothing definitive can be settled.
I have to add, that I expect the sick and wounded will be supplied
with their own hospital stores, and attended by British surgeons
particularly charged with the care of them.
Your lordship will be pleased to signify your determination either to
accept or reject the proposals now offered, in the course of two hours
from the delivery of this letter, that commissioners may be appointed
to digest the articles of capitulation, or a renewal of hostilities
may take place.
I have the honour to be, my lord, &c.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Lieutenant General Earl Cornwallis.
York, in Virginia, 18th October, 1781.
SIR,--I agree to open a treaty of capitulation upon the basis of the
garrisons of York and Gloucester, including seamen, being prisoners of
war without annexing the condition of their being sent to Europe; but
I expect to receive a compensation in arranging the articles of
capitulation for the surrender of Gloucester in its present state of
defence.
I shall in particular desire that the Bonetta sloop of war, may be
left entirely at my disposal from the hour the capitulation is signed,
to receive an aid-de-camp to carry my despatches to Sir Henry Clinton
and such soldiers as I may think proper to send as passengers in her,
to be manned with fifty men of her own crew, and to be permitted to
sail without examination when my despatches are ready; engaging on my
part that the ship shall be brought back and delivered to you, if she
escapes the dangers of the sea; that the crew and soldiers sent as
passengers shall be accounted for in future exchanges as prisoners;
that she shall carry off no officer without your consent, nor public
property of any kind; and I shall likewise desire that the traders and
inhabitants may preserve their property, and that no person may be
punished or molested for having joined the British troops.
If you choose to proceed to negotiation on these grounds, I shall
appoint two field officers of my army to meet two officers from you at
any time and place you think proper, to digest the articles of
capitulation. I have the honour to be, sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
CORNWALLIS.
His excellency General Washington, &c. &c. &c.
NOTE--No. VIII. _See Page 411_
Head quarters, 20th October, 1781.
SIR,--The surrender of York, from which so much glory and advantage
are derived to the allies, and the honour of which belongs to your
excellency, has greatly anticipated our most sanguine expectations.
Certain of this event under your auspices, though unable to determine
the time, I solicited your excellency's attention in the first
conference with which you honoured me, to ulterior objects of decisive
importance to the common cause. Although your excellency's answer on
that occasion was unfavourable to my wishes, the unexpected
promptness with which our operations have been conducted to their
final success having gained us time, the defect of which was one of
your excellency's principal objections, a perspective of the most
extensive and happy consequences, engages me to renew my
representations.
Charleston, the principal maritime port of the British in the southern
parts of the continent, the grand deposite and point of support for
the present theatre of the war, is open to a combined attack, and
might be carried with as much certainty as the place which has just
surrendered.
This capture would destroy the last hope which induces the enemy to
continue the war; for having experienced the impracticability of
recovering the populous northern states, he has determined to confine
himself to the defensive in that quarter, and to prosecute a most
vigorous offensive in the south, with a view of conquering states,
whose spare population and natural disadvantages render them
infinitely less susceptible of defence; although their productions
render them the most valuable in a commercial view. His naval
superiority, previous to your excellency's arrival, gave him decisive
advantages in the rapid transport of his troops and supplies: while
the immense land marches of our succours, too tardy and expensive in
every point of view, subjected us to be beaten in detail.
It will depend upon your excellency, therefore, to terminate the war,
and enable the allies to dictate the law in a treaty. A campaign so
glorious and so fertile in consequences, could be reserved only for
the Count de Grasse.
It rarely happens that such a combination of means, as are in our
hands at present, can be seasonably obtained by the most strenuous of
human exertions.--A decisively superior fleet, the fortune and talents
of whose commander overawe all the naval force that the most
incredible efforts of the enemy have been able to collect; an army
flushed with success, and demanding only to be conducted to new
attacks; and the very season which is proper for operating against the
points in question.
If upon entering into the detail of this expedition, your excellency
should still determine it impracticable, there is an object which
though subordinate to that above mentioned, is of capital importance
to our southern operations, and may be effected at infinitely less
expense; I mean the enemy's post at Wilmington in North Carolina.
Circumstances require that I should at this period reinforce the
southern army under General Greene. This reinforcement transported by
sea under your excellency's convoy, would enable us to carry the post
in question with very little difficulty, and would wrest from the
British a point of support in North Carolina, which is attended with
the most dangerous consequences to us, and would liberate another
state. This object would require nothing more than the convoy of your
excellency to the point of operation, and the protection of the
debarkation.
I intreat your excellency's attention to the points which I have the
honour of laying before you, and to be pleased at the same time to
inform me what are your dispositions for a maritime force to be left
on the American station.
I have the honour to be, &c.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
NOTE--No. IX. _See Page 413_
Late in October an irruption was made into the country on the Mohawk,
by Major Ross, at the head of about five hundred men, composed of
regulars, rangers, and Indians. Colonel Willet, with between four and
five hundred men, partly of the troops denominated levies, and partly
militia, immediately marched in quest of them, and fell in with them
at Johnstown, where they were slaughtering cattle, apparently
unapprehensive of an enemy. Before showing himself, he detached Major
Rowley of Massachusetts with the left wing to fall on the rear, while
he should engage the front. On his appearance the British party
retired to a neighbouring wood, and the American advance was just
beginning to skirmish with them, when that whole wing, without any
apparent cause, suddenly fled from the field, leaving a field-piece
posted on a height in order to cover a retreat, to fall into the hands
of the enemy. Fortunately for the party, Rowley appeared in the rear
at this critical juncture, and regained what the right wing had lost.
Night soon coming on, Major Ross retired further into the wood, and
encamped on the top of a mountain. He seems after this skirmish to
have been only intent on repassing the dreary wilderness in his rear,
and securing his party; an object not to be accomplished without
immense fatigue and great suffering, as Colonel Willet had cut off
their return to their boats, and they were to retreat by the way of
Buck island, or Oswegatchie. With a select part of his troops who
were furnished with five days provisions, and about sixty Indians who
had just joined him, and who, he said, "are the best cavalry for the
service of the wilderness," he commenced a rapid pursuit, and in the
morning of the 30th, at a ford on Canada creek, fell in with about
forty whites and some Indians who were left in the rear to procure
provisions. These were attacked and the greater number of them killed
or taken, upon which the main body fled with such rapidity that the
pursuit proved ineffectual. In the party at Canada creek was Major
Walter Butler, the person who perpetrated the massacre at
Cherry-valley. His entreaties for quarter were disregarded, and he
fell the victim of that vengeance which his own savage temper had
directed against himself.