The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)
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"I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered into by
the general officers from being made public. Congress, sensible of the
ill consequences that will flow from our differences being known to
the world, have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my
dear sir, you can conceive my meaning,[9] better than I can express
it, and I therefore fully depend on your exerting yourself to heal all
private animosities between our principal officers and the French, and
to prevent all illiberal expressions and reflections that may fall
from the army at large."
[Footnote 9: Alluding, it is presumed, to the delicacy of suggesting
to General Sullivan the mischief to be apprehended from any
intemperate expressions.]
The General also seized the first opportunity to recommence his
correspondence with the Count; and his letters, without noticing the
disagreement which had taken place, were calculated to soothe every
angry sensation which might have been excited. A letter from the
admiral stating the whole transaction, was answered by General
Washington in a manner so perfectly satisfactory, that the irritation
which threatened such serious mischief, appears to have entirely
subsided.
Congress also, in a resolution which was made public, expressed their
perfect approbation of the conduct of the Count, and directed the
president to assure him, in the letter which should transmit it, that
they entertained the highest sense of his zeal and attachment.
These prudent and temperate measures restored harmony to the allied
armies.
[Sidenote: Lord Howe resigns command of the British fleet.]
The storm under which the French fleet had suffered so severely did
considerable damage also to that of Lord Howe. The British, however,
had sustained less injury than the French, and were soon in a
condition to put again to sea. Having received information that the
Count D'Estaing had made for Boston, Lord Howe sailed for the same
port, in the hope of reaching it before him. But in this he was
disappointed. On entering the bay he found the French fleet already in
Nantasket Road, where such judicious dispositions had been made for
its defence, that he relinquished the idea of attacking it, and
returned to New York; where he resigned the command to Admiral
Gambier, who was to retain it till the arrival of Admiral Byron.
Finding that General Sullivan had retreated to the continent, Sir
Henry Clinton returned to New York, leaving the command of the troops
on board the transports with Major General Gray, who was directed to
conduct an expedition to the eastward, as far as Buzzards bay.
[Sidenote: September 5.]
Gray entered Acushnet River, where he destroyed a number of privateers
with their prizes, and some merchant vessels. He also reduced part of
the towns of Bedford and Fairhaven to ashes, in which some military
and naval stores had been collected. The troops re-embarked the next
day, before the militia could be assembled in sufficient force to
oppose them, and sailed to Martha's Vineyard, where they destroyed
several vessels, and some salt works, and levied a heavy contribution
of live stock on the inhabitants.
While so large a detachment from the British army was depredating the
coasts of New England, preparations were making in New York for some
distant expedition; and many were of opinion that the French fleet was
its object. To be in readiness to oppose a combined attack by sea and
land on the fleet, General Gates was directed with three brigades, to
proceed by easy marches as far as Danbury, in Connecticut. And
Washington moved northward to Fredericksburg; while General Putnam was
detached with two brigades to the neighbourhood of West Point, and
General M'Dougal, with two others, to join General Gates at Danbury.
[Sidenote: September 22.]
Soon after the return of General Gray from New England, the British
army moved up the North River on each side in great force. The column
on the west side, commanded by Lord Cornwallis, consisting of about
five thousand men, took a position with its right on the river, and
its left extending to Newbridge, on the Hackensack; while the other
division, which was commanded by General Knyphausen, consisting of
about three thousand men, was advanced about the same distance on the
east side of the Hudson. The command of the river enabled these two
columns to communicate freely with each other; and, at any time, to
reunite. Although General Washington conjectured that this movement
was made for the purpose of foraging, yet it was possible that the
passes in the Highlands might be its object; and orders were given to
the detachments on the lines to hold themselves in readiness to
anticipate the execution of such a design.
Colonel Baylor, with his regiment of cavalry, had crossed the
Hackensack early in the morning of the 27th of September, and taken
quarters at Taupaun, or Herringtown, a small village near New Taupaun,
where some militia were posted. Immediate notice of his position was
given to Lord Cornwallis, who formed a plan to surprise and cut off
both the cavalry and militia. The party designed to act against
Colonel Baylor was commanded by General Gray, and that against the
militia, by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell.
[Sidenote: September 28.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Baylor's regiment surprised.]
That part of the plan which was to be executed by Campbell was
defeated by delays in passing the river, during which a deserter gave
notice of his approach, and the militia saved themselves by flight.
But the corps commanded by General Gray, guided by some of the country
people, eluded the patrols, got into the rear of the sergeant's guard
which had been posted at a bridge over the Hackensack, cut it off
without alarming Baylor, and completely surprised his whole regiment.
The British troops rushed into a barn where the Americans slept; and,
refusing to give quarter, bayoneted for a time all they saw. Of one
hundred and four privates, sixty-seven were killed, wounded, and
taken. The number of prisoners, amounting to about forty, is stated to
have been increased by the humanity of one of Gray's captains, who,
notwithstanding his orders, gave quarter to the whole of the fourth
troop. Colonel Baylor and Major Clough, who were both wounded with the
bayonet, the first dangerously, the last mortally, were among the
prisoners.
[Sidenote: September 30.]
[Sidenote: Captain Donop, with his corps, attacked by Colonel Butler,
and defeated.]
Three days after this affair, Colonel Richard Butler, with a
detachment of infantry, assisted by Major Lee with a part of his
cavalry, fell in with a small party of chasseurs and yagers under
Captain Donop, which he instantly charged, and, without the loss of a
man, killed ten on the spot, and took the officer commanding the
chasseur, and eighteen of the yagers, prisoners. Only the extreme
roughness of the country, which impeded the action of the cavalry, and
prevented part of the infantry from coming up, enabled a man of the
enemy to escape. Some interest was taken at the time in this small
affair, because it seemed, in some measure, to revenge the loss of
Colonel Baylor.
After completing their forage, the British army returned to New York.
[Sidenote: Expedition of the British against Egg Harbour.]
This movement had been, in part, designed to cover an expedition
against Little Egg Harbour, which was completely successful; and the
works and store-houses at the place, as well as the merchandise and
vessels, were entirely destroyed.
[Sidenote: Pulaski surprised, and his infantry cut off.]
It has been already stated that Count Pulaski had been appointed
general of the American cavalry. The dissatisfaction given by this
appointment to the officers, had induced him to resign his commission;
but, thirsting for military fame, and zealous in the American cause,
he obtained permission to raise a legionary corps, which he officered
chiefly with foreigners, and commanded in person. In this corps, one
Juliet, a deserter, had been admitted as an officer. The Count had
been ordered to march from Trenton towards Little Egg Harbour, and was
lying eight or ten miles from the coast, when this Juliet again
deserted, carrying with him intelligence of Pulaski's strength and
situation. A plan was formed to surprise him, which succeeded
completely so far as respected his infantry, who were put to the
bayonet. The British accounts of this expedition assert that the whole
corps was destroyed. Pulaski stated his loss at about forty; and
averred that on coming up with his cavalry to the relief of his
infantry, he repulsed the enemy. It is probable that the one account
diminishes the importance of this enterprise as much as the other
magnifies it.
[Sidenote: October 12.]
Admiral Byron reached New York, and took command of the fleet about
the middle of September. After repairing his shattered vessels, he
sailed for the port of Boston. Soon after his arrival in the bay,
fortune disconcerted all his plans. A furious storm drove him out to
sea, and damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary to put
into the port of Rhode Island to refit. This favourable moment was
seized by the Count D'Estaing, who sailed, on the 3d of November, for
the West Indies.
Thus terminated an expedition from which the most important advantages
had been anticipated. A variety of accidents had defeated plans
judiciously formed, which had every probability in their favour.
The Marquis de Lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theatre, was
desirous of returning to France. Expecting war on the continent of
Europe, he was anxious to tender his services to his king, and to his
native country.
From motives of real friendship as well as of policy, General
Washington was desirous of preserving the connexion of this officer
with the army, and of strengthening his attachment to America. He
therefore expressed to congress his wish that Lafayette, instead of
resigning his commission, might have unlimited leave of absence, to
return when it should be convenient to himself; and might carry with
him every mark of the confidence of the government.
This policy was adopted by congress in its full extent. The partiality
of America for Lafayette was well placed. Never did a foreigner, whose
primary attachments to his own country remained undiminished, feel
more solicitude for the welfare of another, than was unceasingly
manifested by this young nobleman, for the United States.
There being no prospect of an active winter campaign in the northern
or middle states, and the climate admitting of military operations
elsewhere, a detachment from the British army, consisting of five
thousand men commanded by Major General Grant, sailed, early in
November, under a strong convoy, for the West India Islands; and,
towards the end of the same month, another embarkation was made for
the southern parts of the continent. This second detachment was
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, who was escorted by
Commodore Hyde Parker, and was destined to act against the southern
states.
[Sidenote: December.]
As a force sufficient for the defence of New York yet remained, the
American army retired into winter quarters. The main body was cantoned
in Connecticut, on both sides the North River, about West Point, and
at Middlebrook. Light troops were stationed nearer the lines; and the
cavalry were drawn into the interior to recruit the horses for the
next campaign. The distribution, the protection of the country, the
security of important points, and a cheap and convenient supply of
provisions, were consulted.
The troops again wintered in huts; but they were accustomed to this
mode of passing that inclement season. Though far from being well
clothed, their condition in that respect was so much improved by
supplies from France, that they disregarded the inconveniences to
which they were exposed.
CHAPTER III.
Arrival of the British commissioners.... Terms of
conciliation proposed.... Answer of congress to their
propositions.... Attempts of Mr. Johnson to bribe some
members of congress.... His private letters ordered to be
published.... Manifesto of the commissioners, and
counter-manifesto of congress.... Arrival of Monsieur
Girard, minister plenipotentiary of France.... Hostilities
of the Indians.... Irruption into the Wyoming settlement....
Battle of Wyoming.... Colonel Dennison capitulates for the
inhabitants.... Distress of the settlement.... Colonel
Clarke surprises St. Vincent.... Congress determines to
invade Canada.... General Washington opposes the measure....
Induces congress to abandon it.
[Sidenote: 1778]
About the time that Commodore Parker sailed for the southern
states, the commissioners appointed to give effect to the late
conciliatory acts of Parliament, embarked for Europe. They had exerted
their utmost powers to effect the object of their mission, but without
success. Great Britain required that the force of the two nations
should be united under one common sovereign; and America was no longer
disposed, or even at liberty to accede to this condition. All those
affections, which parts of the same empire should feel for each other,
had been eradicated by a distressing war; the great body of the people
were determined, at every sacrifice, to maintain their independence;
and the treaty with France had pledged the honour and the faith of
the nation, never to consent to a reunion with the British empire.
[Sidenote: Arrival of the British commissioners.]
[Sidenote: Terms of conciliation proposed.]
The commissioners arrived in Philadelphia while that place was yet in
possession of their army, and are understood to have brought positive
orders for its evacuation. Their arrival was immediately announced to
General Washington by Sir Henry Clinton, who was joined with them in
the commission, and a passport was requested for their secretary,
Doctor Ferguson, as the bearer of their first despatches to congress.
The Commander-in-chief declined granting this passport until he should
receive the instructions of his government; on which a letter
addressed "To the president and other the members of congress," was
forwarded in the usual manner. Copies of their commission, and of the
acts of Parliament on which it was founded, together with propositions
conforming to those acts, drawn in the most conciliatory language,
were transmitted with this letter.
[Sidenote: Answer of Congress to these propositions.]
Some observations having been introduced into it reflecting on the
conduct of France,[10] the reading was interrupted, and a motion made
to proceed no farther in consequence of this offensive language to his
most Christian Majesty. This motion producing some debate, an
adjournment was moved and carried. When congress reassembled, the
warmth of the preceding day had not entirely subsided; but, after
several ineffectual motions to prevent it, the letter was read and
committed. The answer which was reported by the committee, and
transmitted to the commissioners, declared that "nothing but an
earnest desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood, could
have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so
disrespectful to his most Christian Majesty, the good and great ally
of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the
honour of an independent nation.
[Footnote 10: The offensive words were "insidious interposition of a
power which has, from the first settlement of the colonies, been
actuated with enmity to us both; and notwithstanding the pretended
date or present form of the French offers."]
"That the acts of the British Parliament, the commission from their
sovereign, and their letter, supposed the people of the United States
to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and were founded on the
idea of dependence, which is totally inadmissible.
"That congress was inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust
claims from which this was originated, and the savage manner in which
it was conducted. They would therefore be ready to enter upon the
consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with
treaties already subsisting, when the King of Great Britain should
demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid
proof of this disposition would be an explicit acknowledgment of the
independence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets and
armies."
[Sidenote: July 13.]
On the 13th of July, after arriving at New York, the commissioners
addressed a second letter to congress, expressing their regrets that
any difficulties were raised which must prolong the calamities of war;
and reviewing the letter of congress in terms well calculated to make
an impression on those who had become weary of the contest, and to
revive ancient prejudices in favour of England and against France.
This letter being read, congress resolved that, as neither the
independence of the United States was explicitly acknowledged, nor the
fleets and armies withdrawn, no answer should be given to it.
It would seem that the first letter of congress must have convinced
the British commissioners that no hope could be indulged of restoring
peace on any other terms than the independence of the United States.
Congress must have been equally certain that the commissioners were
not empowered to acknowledge that independence, or to direct the
fleets and armies of Great Britain to be withdrawn. The intercourse
between them therefore, after the first communications were exchanged,
and all subsequent measures, became a game of skill, in which the
parties played for the affections and passions of the people; and was
no longer a diplomatic correspondence, discussing the interests of two
great nations with the hope of accommodation.
[Sidenote: Attempts of Mr. Johnson to bribe influential members of
congress.]
The first packet addressed by the commissioners to congress, contained
several private letters, written by Governor Johnson to members of
that body, in which he blended, with flattering expressions of respect
for their characters and their conduct, assurances of the honours and
emoluments to which those would be entitled who should contribute to
restore peace and harmony to the two countries and to terminate the
present war.
[Sidenote: Congress orders the publication of the private letters
from Johnson to the members of that body.]
A few days before the receipt of the letter of the 13th of July,
congress passed a resolution requiring that all letters of a public
nature received by any member from any subject of the British crown,
should be laid before them. In compliance with this resolution, the
letters of Governor Johnson were produced; and, some time afterwards,
Mr. Read stated, in his place, a direct offer which had been made him
by a third person, of a considerable sum of money, and of any office
in the gift of the crown, as an inducement to use his influence for
the restoration of harmony between the two countries. Congress
determined to communicate these circumstances to the American people,
and made a solemn declaration, in which, after reciting the offensive
paragraphs of the private letters, and the conversation stated by Mr.
Read, they expressed their opinion "that these were direct attempts to
corrupt and bribe the congress of the United States, and that it was
incompatible with their honour to hold any manner of correspondence
or intercourse with the said George Johnson, Esquire, especially to
negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty is
interested." After an unsuccessful attempt to involve the other
commissioners in the same exclusion, this declaration was transmitted
to them while they were expecting an answer to a remonstrance on the
detention of the army of General Burgoyne.
On receiving it, Mr. Johnson withdrew from the commission, declaring
that he should be happy to find congress inclined to retract their
former declaration, and to negotiate with others on terms equally
conducive to the happiness of both countries. This declaration was
accompanied by one signed by the other commissioners, in which,
without admitting the construction put by congress on his letters, or
the authority of the person who held the conversation with Mr. Read,
they denied all knowledge of those letters or of that conversation.
They at the same time detailed the advantages to be derived by America
from the propositions they had made, "advantages," they added,
"decidedly superior to any which could be expected from an unnatural
alliance with France, only entered into by that nation for the purpose
of prolonging the war, after the full knowledge on their part of the
liberal terms intended to be offered by Great Britain." With this
declaration was transmitted a copy of the former remonstrance[11]
against the detention of the convention troops, without the signature
of Governor Johnson, and an extract from the instructions given by the
Secretary of State to Sir Henry Clinton, authorizing him to demand, in
express terms, a performance of the convention made with General
Burgoyne, and, if required, to renew and ratify all its conditions in
the name of the king.
[Footnote 11: Some expressions having been used in the letter,
respecting the convention troops, which were deemed disrespectful, no
other reply was made to it than that "congress gave no answer to
insolent letters."]
All the publications of the British commissioners indicate an opinion
that they could be more successful with the people than with congress;
and, not unfrequently betray the desire that the constituents of that
body might be enabled to decide on the measures taken by their
representatives.
On the part of congress, it was decreed of the utmost importance to
keep the public mind correct, and to defeat all attempts to make
unfavourable impressions on it. Several members of that body entered
the lists as disputants, and employed their pens with ability and
success, as well in serious argument, as in rousing the various
passions which influence the conduct of men. The attempt to accomplish
the object of the mission by corruption was wielded with great effect;
and it was urged with equal force that should the United States now
break their faith with France, and treat on the footing of dependence,
they would sacrifice all credit with foreign nations, would be
considered by all as faithless and infamous, and would forfeit all
pretensions to future aid from abroad; after which the terms now
offered might be retracted, and the war be recommenced. To these
representations were added the certainty of independence, and the
great advantages which must result from its establishment. The letters
of the commissioners were treated as attempts to sow divisions among
the people of which they might afterwards avail themselves, and thus
effect by intrigue, what had been found unattainable by arms.
These essays were read with avidity, and seem to have produced all the
effect which was expected from them among the friends of the
revolution.
[Sidenote: October 8.]
[Sidenote: Manifesto of the commissioners, and counter-manifestos by
congress.]
The commissioners appear still to have cherished the hope, that a
complete knowledge of the terms they had offered, operating on the
disappointment of the extravagant hopes which had been founded on the
arrival of a French fleet, would make a great impression on a large
portion of the American people. This opinion induced them, before
their departure, to publish a manifesto, addressed, not only to
congress, but to all the provincial assemblies, and all the
inhabitants of the colonies of whatever denomination, briefly
recapitulating the several steps they had taken to accomplish the
object of their mission, and the refusal of congress even to open a
conference with them. They declared their readiness still to proceed
in the execution of the powers contained in their commission, and to
treat either with deputies from all the colonies conjointly, or with
any provincial assembly or convention individually, at any time within
the space of forty days from the date of their manifesto. They also
proclaimed a general pardon for all treasons and rebellious practices
committed at any time previous to the date of their manifesto, to such
as should, within the term of forty days, withdraw from their
opposition to the British government, and conduct themselves as
faithful and loyal subjects. To enable all persons to avail themselves
of this proffered pardon, thirteen copies of the manifesto were
executed, one of which was transmitted by a flag of truce to each
state. A vast number of copies were printed, and great exertions were
made by flags and other means to disperse them among the people.
On being informed of these proceedings, congress, without hesitation,
adopted the course which the government of an independent nation is
bound to pursue, when attempts are made by a foreign power to open
negotiations with unauthorized individuals. They declared the measure
"to be contrary to the law of nations, and utterly subversive of that
confidence which could alone maintain those means which had been
invented to alleviate the horrors of war; and, therefore, that the
persons employed to distribute such papers, were not entitled to the
protection of a flag." They recommended it to the executive
departments in the respective states, "to secure, in close custody,
every person who, under the sanction of a flag, or otherwise, was
found employed in circulating those manifestoes." At the same time, to
show that these measures were not taken for the purpose of
concealment, they directed a publication of the manifesto in the
American papers. Care, however, was taken to accompany it with
comments made by individuals, calculated to counteract its effect. A
vessel containing a cargo of these papers being wrecked on the coast,
the officers and crew were made prisoners; and the requisition of
Admiral Gambier for their release, in consequence of the privilege
afforded by his flag, was answered by a declaration that they had
forfeited that privilege by being charged with seditious papers.