The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3 (of 5)
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[Sidenote: October 30.]
Not long after the publication of this paper, a counter-manifesto was
issued by congress, in which, after touching on subjects which might
influence the public mind, they "solemnly declare and proclaim, that
if their enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their
present course of barbarity, they will take such exemplary vengeance
as shall deter others from a like conduct."
Thus ended this fruitless attempt to restore a connexion which had
been wantonly broken, the reinstatement of which had become
impracticable. With the war, and with independence, a course of
opinion had prevailed in America, which not only opposed great
obstacles to a reunion of the two countries under one common
sovereign, but, by substituting discordant materials in the place of
the cement which formerly bound them together, rendered such an event
undesirable even to the British themselves. The time was arrived when
the true interest of that nation required the relinquishment of an
expensive war, the object of which was unattainable, and which, if
attained, could not be long preserved; and the establishment of those
amicable relations which reciprocal interests produce between
independent states, capable of being serviceable to each other by a
fair and equal interchange of good offices.
This opinion, however, was not yet embraced by the cabinet of London;
and great exertions were still to be made for the reannexation of the
American states to the British empire. Even the opposition was not
united against a continuance of the war for the object now proposed;
and the Earl of Chatham, who had endeavoured first to prevent the
conflict, and afterwards to produce conciliation, closed his splendid
life in unavailing efforts to prevent that dismemberment which had
become inevitable.[12]
[Footnote 12: The author has been favoured by his estimable friend,
Major General Scott, with the perusal of an introduction written by
Mr. L. De Sevelinges, to Botta's "History of the war of the
independence of the United States of America," translated into French.
Mr. De Sevelinges professes to have received the most precious
explanations, relative to incidents and motives, from a gentleman
equally distinguished for his knowledge and his character, whose
situation enabled him to become acquainted with facts which were
concealed from the public. Speaking of the attempt made by Mr.
Johnson, he says, p. 19, it was essential "to break off all
communication with the agents of the British minister. Mr. Girard
directed all his efforts to this object, and had the good fortune to
effect it.
"But the English faction of tories subsisted. It was powerful from the
credit of its chiefs."
In a note on this passage, he says, "The most influential were Samuel
Adams and Richard Lee, (Richard H. Lee,) the brother of Arthur Lee,
one of the deputies of congress in France. He was convicted of having
secret intelligence with the British minister."
It would be injustice to the memoirs of these distinguished patriots
to attempt their vindication against this atrocious and unfounded
calumny. A calumny supported by no testimony, nor by a single
circumstance wearing even the semblance of probability, and confuted
by the whole tenour of their lives. The annals of the American
revolution do not furnish two names more entirely above suspicion than
Samuel Adams and Richard Henry Lee. With the first gentleman the
author was not personally acquainted. With the last he was; and can
appeal with confidence to every man who knew him, to declare the
conviction, that he died as he lived, a pure and devoted, as well as
enlightened friend of American independence. The same character was
maintained by Mr. Adams.
In casting about for the foundation of this calumny, the author is
inclined to look for it in the opinions entertained by these
gentlemen, on subjects connected with the negotiations for peace.
Since the publication of the secret journals of congress, it is
generally known that France countenanced the claim of Spain to
circumscribe the western boundary of the United States, by the line
prescribed in the royal proclamation of 1763, for settlement of vacant
lands. After Great Britain had consented to acknowledge the
independence of the United States, it was understood by those who were
acquainted with the views of the belligerents, that a disposition
existed on the part of France and Spain, to continue the war for
objects in which the United States felt no interest,--among others,
for Gibraltar and Jamaica. Some American statesmen, and the Lees were
of the number, probably Mr. Adams also, were extremely apprehensive
that the miseries of their country would be prolonged for these
objects. It is not impossible that the sentiments of these gentlemen
on these subjects, being in opposition to the views of France, might,
though founded entirely in American policy, be attributed to British
intrigues.]
[Sidenote: July 14.]
[Sidenote: Arrival of Girard, minister plenipotentiary from the King
of France.]
In the midst of these transactions with the commissioners of Great
Britain, the Sieur Girard arrived at Philadelphia, in the character of
Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty.
The joy produced by this event was unbounded; and he was received by
congress with great pomp.
While these diplomatic concerns employed the American cabinet, and
while the war seemed to languish on the Atlantic, it raged to the west
in its most savage form.
[Sidenote: June 11.]
The difficulties which the inability of the American government to
furnish the neighbouring Indians with those European articles which
they were accustomed to use, opposed to all the efforts of congress to
preserve their friendship, have already been noticed. Early in 1778,
there were many indications of a general disposition among those
savages to make war on the United States; and the frontiers, from the
Mohawk to the Ohio, were threatened with the tomahawk and the scalping
knife. Every representation from that country supported the opinion
that a war with the Indians should never be defensive; and that, to
obtain peace, it must be carried into their own country. Detroit,
whose governor was believed to have been particularly active in
exciting hostilities, was understood to be in a defenceless condition;
and congress resolved on an expedition against that place. This
enterprise was entrusted to General M'Intosh, who commanded at
Pittsburg, and was to be carried on with three thousand men, chiefly
militia, to be drawn from Virginia. To facilitate its success, the
resolution was also taken to enter the country of the Senecas at the
same time, by the way of the Mohawk. The officer commanding on the
east of the Hudson was desired to take measures for carrying this
resolution into execution; and the commissioners for Indian affairs,
at Albany, were directed to co-operate with him.
Unfortunately, the acts of the government did not correspond with the
vigour of its resolutions. The necessary preparations were not made,
and the inhabitants of the frontiers remained without sufficient
protection, until the plans against them were matured, and the storm
which had been long gathering, burst upon them with a fury which
spread desolation wherever it reached.
[Sidenote: Colonel John Butler, with a party of Indians, breaks into
the Wyoming settlement.]
About three hundred white men, commanded by Colonel John Butler, and
about five hundred Indians, led by the Indian chief Brandt, who had
assembled in the north, marched late in June against the settlement of
Wyoming. These troops embarked on the Chemung or Tyoga, and
descending the Susquehanna, landed at a place called the Three
Islands, whence they marched about twenty miles, and crossing a
wilderness, and passing through a gap in the mountain, entered the
valley of Wyoming near its northern boundary. At this place a small
fort called Wintermoots had been erected, which fell into their hands
without resistance, and was burnt. The inhabitants who were capable of
bearing arms assembled on the first alarm at Forty fort, on the west
side of the Susquehanna, four miles below the camp of the invading
army.
The regular troops, amounting to about sixty, were commanded by
Colonel Zebulon Butler;[13] the militia by Colonel Dennison. Colonel
Butler was desirous of awaiting the arrival of a small reinforcement
under Captain Spalding, who had been ordered by General Washington to
his aid on the first intelligence of the danger which threatened the
settlement; but the militia generally, believing themselves
sufficiently strong to repel the invading force, urged an immediate
battle so earnestly, that Colonel Butler yielded to their
remonstrances, and on the 3d of July marched from Forty fort at the
head of near four hundred men to attack the enemy.
[Footnote 13: This gentleman is stated not to have been of the same
family with the leader of the invading army.]
The British and Indians were prepared to receive him. Their line was
formed a small distance in front of their camp, in a plain thinly
covered with pine, shrub oaks, and under growth, and extended from the
river about a mile to a marsh at the foot of the mountain. The
Americans advanced in a single column, without interruption, until
they approached the enemy, when they received a fire which did not
much mischief. The line of battle[14] was instantly formed, and the
action commenced with spirit. The Americans rather gained ground on
the right where Colonel Butler commanded, until a large body of
Indians passing through the skirt of the marsh turned their left
flank, which was composed of militia, and poured a heavy and most
destructive fire on their rear. The word "retreat" was pronounced by
some person, and the efforts of the officers to check it were
unavailing. The fate of the day was decided, and a flight commenced on
the left which was soon followed by the right. As soon as the line was
broken, the Indians, throwing down their rifles and rushing upon them
with the tomahawk, completed the confusion. The attempt of Colonel
Butler and of the officers to restore order were unavailing, and the
whole line broke and fled in confusion. The massacre was general, and
the cries for mercy were answered by the tomahawk. Rather less than
sixty men escaped, some to Forty fort, some by swimming the river, and
some to the mountain. A very few prisoners were made, only three of
whom were preserved alive, who were carried to Niagara.
[Footnote 14: The representation of this battle, and of the
circumstances attending the destruction of the Wyoming settlement,
have been materially varied from the statement made of them in the
first edition. The papers of General Washington furnished allusions to
the transaction, but no particular account of it. The author therefore
relied on Mr. Gordon and Mr. Ramsay, whose authority was quoted. Soon
after the work was published, he received a letter from a gentleman
then residing in that country, (Mr. Charles Miner,) who asserted with
confidence that the statement was incorrect, and gave himself a minute
detail of events, collected from persons who were in the settlement at
the time, and witnessed them.
The author has been since indebted to the same gentleman for a
statement of the battle, and of the events which followed it, drawn up
by one of the descendants of Colonel Zebulon Butler, to which the
certificates of several gentlemen are annexed, who were engaged in the
action. These documents, with one which will be mentioned, convince
him that the combined treachery and savage ferocity which have been
painted in such vivid colours, in the narratives that have been given
of this furious and desolating irruption, have been greatly
exaggerated. Historic truth demands that these misstatements should be
corrected.
The other document alluded to, is a letter from Zebulon Butler to the
board of war, making his report of the transaction. The letter has
been lately found among his papers, and is copied below.
_Grandenhutten, Penn Township, July 10th, 1778._
Honoured Sir,--On my arrival at Westmoreland, (which was only four
days after I left Yorktown,) I found there was a large body of the
enemy advancing on that settlement. On the first of July we mustered
the militia, and marched towards them by the river above the
settlement,--found and killed two Indians at a place where the day
before they had murdered nine men engaged in hoeing corn. We found
some canoes, &c. but finding we were above their main body, it was
judged prudent to return. And as every man had to go to his own house
for his provision, we could not muster again till the 3d of July. In
the mean time, the enemy had got possession of two forts, one of which
we had reason to believe was designed for them, though they burnt them
both. The inhabitants had seven forts for the security of their women
and children, extending about ten miles on the river, and too many men
would stay in them to take care of them; but after collecting about
three hundred of the most spirited of them, including Captain Hewitt's
company, I held a council with the officers, who were all agreed that
it was best to attack the enemy before they got any farther. We
accordingly marched,--found their situation,--formed a front of the
same extension of the enemy's, and attacked from right to left at the
same time. Our men stood the fire well for three or four shots, till
some part of the enemy gave way; but unfortunately for us, through
some mistake, the word _retreat_ was understood from some officer on
the left, which took so quick that it was not in the power of the
officers to form them again, though I believe, if they had stood three
minutes longer, the enemy would have been beaten. The utmost pains
were taken by the officers, who mostly fell. A lieutenant colonel, a
major and five captains, who were in commission in the militia, all
fell. Colonel Durkee, and Captains Hewitt and Ransom were likewise
killed. In the whole, about two hundred men lost their lives in the
action on our side. What number of the enemy were killed is yet
uncertain, though I believe a very considerable number. The loss of
these men so intimidated the inhabitants, that they gave up the matter
of fighting. Great numbers ran off, and others would comply with the
terms that I had refused. The enemy sent flags frequently--the terms
you will see in the enclosed letter. They repeatedly said they had
nothing to do with any but the inhabitants, and did not want to treat
with me. Colonel Dennison, by desire of the inhabitants, went and
complied,--which made it necessary for me and the little remains of
Captain Hewitt's company to leave the place. Indeed it was determined
by the enemy to spare the inhabitants after their agreement, and that
myself and the few continental soldiers should be delivered up to the
savages. Upon which I left the place, and came scarcely able to move,
as I have had no rest since I left Yorktown. It has not been in my
power to find a horse or man to wait on the board till now. I must
submit to the board what must be the next step. The little remains of
Hewitt's company (which are about fifteen) are gone to Shamoken, and
Captain Spalding's company, I have heard, are on the Delaware. Several
hundred of the inhabitants are strolling in the country destitute of
provisions, who have large fields of grain and other necessaries of
life at Westmoreland. In short, if the inhabitants can go back, there
may yet be saved double the quantity of provisions to support
themselves, otherwise they must be beggars, and a burthen to the
world.
I have heard from men that came from the place since the people gave
up, that the Indians have killed no person since, but have burnt most
of the buildings, and are collecting all the horses they can, and are
moving up the river. They likewise say the enemy were eight hundred,
one-half white men. I should be glad that, if possible, there might be
a sufficient guard sent for the defence of the place, which will be
the means of saving thousands from poverty--but must submit to the
wisdom of congress. I desire farther orders from the honourable board
of war with respect to myself, and the soldiers under my direction.
I have the honour to be
Your Honour's most obedient, humble servant,
ZEBULON BUTLER.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Dennison capitulates for the inhabitants.]
Further resistance was impracticable, Colonel Dennison proposed terms
of capitulation, which were granted to the inhabitants. It being
understood that no quarter would be allowed to the continental troops,
Colonel Butler with his few surviving soldiers fled from the valley.
[Sidenote: Distress of the settlement.]
The inhabitants generally abandoned the country, and, in great
distress, wandered into the settlements on the Lehigh and the
Delaware. The Indians, as is the practice of savages, destroyed the
houses and improvements by fire, and plundered the country. After
laying waste the whole settlement, they withdrew from it before the
arrival of the continental troops, who were detached to meet them.
[Sidenote: July 15.]
To cover every part of the United States would have required a much
greater number of men than could be raised. Different districts were
therefore unavoidably exposed to the calamities ever to be experienced
by those into the bosom of whose country war is carried. The militia
in every part of the Union, fatigued and worn out by repeated tours of
duty, required to be relieved by continental troops. Their
applications were necessarily resisted; but the danger which
threatened the western frontier had become so imminent; the appeal
made by its sufferings to national feeling was so affecting, that it
was determined to spare a more considerable portion of the army for
its defence, than had been allotted to that part of the Union, since
the capture of Burgoyne. On the first intelligence of the destruction
of Wyoming, the regiments of Hartley and Butler, with the remnant of
Morgan's corps, commanded by Major Posey, were detached to the
protection of that distressed country. They were engaged in several
sharp skirmishes, made separate incursions into the Indian
settlements, broke up their nearest villages, destroyed their corn,
and by compelling them to retire to a greater distance, gave some
relief to the inhabitants.
While the frontiers of New York and Pennsylvania were thus suffering
the calamities incident to savage warfare, a fate equally severe was
preparing for Virginia. The western militia of that state had made
some successful incursions into the country north-west of the Ohio,
and had taken some British posts on the Mississippi. These were
erected in the county of Illinois; and a regiment of infantry, with a
troop of cavalry, were raised for its protection. The command of these
troops was given to Colonel George Rogers Clarke, a gentleman whose
courage, hardihood, and capacity for Indian warfare, had given
repeated success to his enterprises against the savages.
This corps was divided into several detachments, the strongest of
which remained with Colonel Clarke at Kaskaskia. Colonel Hamilton, the
Governor of Detroit, was at Vincennes with about six hundred men,
principally Indians, preparing an expedition, first against Kaskaskia,
and then up the Ohio to Pittsburg; after which he purposed to
desolate the frontiers of Virginia. Clarke anticipated and defeated
his design by one of those bold and decisive measures, which, whether
formed on a great or a small scale, mark the military and enterprising
genius of the man who plans and executes them.
[Sidenote: 1779 February.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Clarke surprises St. Vincents, and takes
possession of it.]
He was too far removed from the inhabited country to hope for support,
and was too weak to maintain Kaskaskia and the Illinois against the
combined force of regulars and Indians by which he was to be attacked
so soon as the season for action should arrive. While employed in
preparing for his defence, he received unquestionable information that
Hamilton had detached his Indians on an expedition against the
frontiers, reserving at the post he occupied only about eighty
regulars, with three pieces of cannon and some swivels. Clarke
instantly resolved to seize this favourable moment. After detaching a
small galley up the Wabash with orders to take her station a few miles
below Vincennes, and to permit nothing to pass her, he marched in the
depth of winter with one hundred and thirty men, the whole force he
could collect, across the country from Kaskaskia to Vincennes. This
march, through the woods, and over high waters, required sixteen days,
five of which were employed in crossing the drowned lands of the
Wabash. The troops were under the necessity of wading five miles in
water, frequently up to their breasts. After subduing these
difficulties, this small party appeared before the town, which was
completely surprised, and readily consented to change its master.
Hamilton, after defending the fort a short time, surrendered himself
and his garrison prisoners of war. With a few of his immediate agents
and counsellors, who had been instrumental in the savage barbarities
he had encouraged, he was, by order of the executive of Virginia, put
in irons, and confined in a jail.
This expedition was important in its consequences. It disconcerted a
plan which threatened destruction to the whole country west of the
Alleghany mountains; detached from the British interest many of those
numerous tribes of Indians south of the waters immediately
communicating with the great lakes; and had, most probably,
considerable influence in fixing the western boundary of the United
States.
[Sidenote: Congress determine to attack Canada, and the other British
possessions in North America.]
We have already seen that congress, actuated by their wishes rather
than governed by a temperate calculation of the means in their
possession, had, in the preceding winter, planned a second invasion of
Canada, to be conducted by the Marquis de Lafayette; and that, as the
generals only were got in readiness for this expedition, it was
necessarily laid aside. The design, however, seems to have been
suspended, not abandoned. The alliance with France revived the latent
wish to annex that extensive territory to the United States. That
favourite subject was resumed; and, towards autumn, a plan was
completely digested for a combined attack to be made by the allies on
all the British dominions on the continent, and on the adjacent
islands of Cape Breton and Newfoundland. This plan was matured about
the time the Marquis de Lafayette obtained leave to return to his own
country, and was ordered to be transmitted by that nobleman to Doctor
Franklin, the minister of the United States at the court of
Versailles, with instructions to induce, if possible, the French
cabinet to accede to it. Some communications respecting this subject
were also made to the Marquis, on whose influence in securing its
adoption by his own government, much reliance was placed; and, in
October, 1778, it was, for the first time, transmitted to General
Washington, with a request that he would inclose it by the Marquis,
with his observations on it, to Doctor Franklin.
This very extensive plan of military operations for the ensuing
campaign, prepared entirely in the cabinet, without consulting, so far
as is known, a single military man, consisted of many parts.
Two detachments, amounting, each, to sixteen hundred men, were to
march from Pittsburg and Wyoming against Detroit, and Niagara.
A third body of troops, which was to be stationed on the Mohawk during
the winter, and to be powerfully reinforced in the spring, was to
seize Oswego, and to secure the navigation of Lake Ontario with
vessels to be constructed of materials to be procured in the winter.
A fourth corps was to penetrate into Canada by the St. Francis, and to
reduce Montreal, and the posts on Lake Champlain, while a fifth should
guard against troops from Quebec.
Thus far America could proceed unaided by her ally. But, Upper Canada
being reduced, another campaign would still be necessary for the
reduction of Quebec. This circumstance would require that the army
should pass the winter in Canada, and, in the mean time, the garrison
of Quebec might be largely reinforced. It was therefore essential to
the complete success of the enterprise, that France should be induced
to take a part in it.
The conquest of Quebec, and of Halifax, was supposed to be an object
of so much importance to France as well as to the United States, that
her aid might be confidently expected.
It was proposed to request his Most Christian Majesty to furnish four
or five thousand troops, to sail from Brest, the beginning of May,
under convoy of four ships of the line and four frigates; the troops
to be clad as if for service in the West Indies, and thick clothes to
be sent after them in August. A large American detachment was to act
with this French army; and it was supposed that Quebec and Halifax
might be reduced by the beginning or middle of October. The army
might then either proceed immediately against Newfoundland, or remain
in garrison until the spring, when the conquest of that place might be
accomplished.