The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)

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[Sidenote: Rise of parties in the United States.]

The discontents arising from the embarrassments in which individuals
were involved, continued to increase. At length, two great parties
were formed in every state, which were distinctly marked, and which
pursued distinct objects, with systematic arrangement.

The one struggled with unabated zeal for the exact observance of
public and private engagements. By those belonging to it, the faith of
a nation, or of a private man was deemed a sacred pledge, the
violation of which was equally forbidden by the principles of moral
justice, and of sound policy. The distresses of individuals were, they
thought, to be alleviated only by industry and frugality, not by a
relaxation of the laws, or by a sacrifice of the rights of others.
They were consequently the uniform friends of a regular administration
of justice, and of a vigorous course of taxation which would enable
the state to comply with its engagements. By a natural association of
ideas, they were also, with very few exceptions, in favour of
enlarging the powers of the federal government, and of enabling it to
protect the dignity and character of the nation abroad, and its
interests at home.

The other party marked out for themselves a more indulgent course.
Viewing with extreme tenderness the case of the debtor, their efforts
were unceasingly directed to his relief. To exact a faithful
compliance with contracts was, in their opinion, a harsh measure which
the people would not bear. They were uniformly in favour of relaxing
the administration of justice, of affording facilities for the payment
of debts, or of suspending their collection, and of remitting taxes.
The same course of opinion led them to resist every attempt to
transfer from their own hands into those of congress, powers, which by
others were deemed essential to the preservation of the union. In many
of these states, the party last mentioned, constituted a decided
majority of the people; and in all of them, it was very powerful. The
emission of paper money, the delay of legal proceedings, and the
suspension of the collection of taxes, were the fruits of their rule
wherever they were completely predominant. Even where they failed to
carry their measures, their strength was such as to encourage the hope
of succeeding in a future attempt; and annual elections held forth to
them the prospect of speedily repairing the loss of a favourite
question. Throughout the union, the contest between these parties was
periodically revived; and the public mind was perpetually agitated
with hopes and fears on subjects which essentially affected the
fortunes of a considerable proportion of the society.

These contests were the more animated, because, in the state
governments generally, no principle had been introduced which could
resist the wild projects of the moment, give the people an opportunity
to reflect, and allow the good sense of the nation time for exertion.
This uncertainty with respect to measures of great importance to every
member of the community, this instability in principles which ought,
if possible, to be rendered immutable, produced a long train of ills;
and is seriously believed to have been among the operating causes of
those pecuniary embarrassments, which, at that time, were so general
as to influence the legislation of almost every state in the union.
Its direct consequence was the loss of confidence in the government,
and in individuals. This, so far as respected the government, was
peculiarly discernible in the value of state debts.

The war having been conducted by nations in many respects independent
of each other, the debts contracted in its prosecution were due, in
part from the United States, and in part from the individual states
who became immediately responsible to the creditors, retaining their
claim against the government of the union for any balances which might
appear to be due on a general settlement of accounts.

That the debt of the United States should have greatly depreciated
will excite no surprise, when it is recollected that the government of
the union possessed no funds, and, without the assent of jealous and
independent sovereigns, could acquire none, to pay the accruing
interest: but the depreciation of the debt due from those states which
made an annual and adequate provision for the interest, can be
ascribed only to a want of confidence in governments which were
controlled by no fixed principles; and it is therefore not entirely
unworthy of attention. In many of those states which had repelled
every attempt to introduce into circulation a depreciated medium of
commerce, or to defeat the annual provision of funds for the payment
of the interest, the debt sunk in value to ten, five, and even less
than four shillings in the pound. However unexceptionable might be the
conduct of the existing legislature, the hazard from those which were
to follow was too great to be encountered without an immense premium.
In private transactions, an astonishing degree of distrust also
prevailed. The bonds of men whose ability to pay their debts was
unquestionable, could not be negotiated but at a discount of thirty,
forty, and fifty _per centum_: real property was scarcely vendible;
and sales of any article for ready money could be made only at a
ruinous loss. The prospect of extricating the country from these
embarrassments was by no means flattering. Whilst every thing else
fluctuated, some of the causes which produced this calamitous state of
things were permanent. The hope and fear still remained, that the
debtor party would obtain the victory at the elections; and instead of
making the painful effort to obtain relief by industry and economy,
many rested all their hopes on legislative interference. The mass of
national labour, and of national wealth, was consequently diminished.
In every quarter were found those who asserted it to be impossible for
the people to pay their public or private debts; and in some
instances, threats were uttered of suspending the administration of
justice by violence.

By the enlightened friends of republican government, this gloomy state
of things was viewed with deep chagrin. Many became apprehensive that
those plans from which so much happiness to the human race had been
anticipated, would produce only real misery; and would maintain but a
short and a turbulent existence. Meanwhile, the wise and thinking part
of the community, who could trace evils to their source, laboured
unceasingly to inculcate opinions favourable to the incorporation of
some principles into the political system, which might correct the
obvious vices, without endangering the free spirit of the existing
institutions.

While the advocates for union were exerting themselves to impress its
necessity on the public mind, measures were taken in Virginia, which,
though originating in different views, terminated in a proposition for
a general convention to revise the state of the union.

To form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers Potomac and
Pocomoke, and of part of the bay of Chesapeake, commissioners were
appointed by the legislatures of Virginia and Maryland, who assembled
in Alexandria, in March, 1785. While at Mount Vernon on a visit, they
agreed to propose to their respective governments, the appointment of
other commissioners, with power to make conjoint arrangements, to
which the assent of congress was to be solicited, for maintaining a
naval force in the Chesapeake; and to establish a tariff of duties on
imports, to which the laws of both states should conform. When these
propositions received the assent of the legislature of Virginia, an
additional resolution was passed, directing that which respected the
duties on imports to be communicated to all the states in the union,
who were invited to send deputies to the meeting.

On the 21st of January, 1786, a few days after the passage of these
resolutions, another was adopted appointing certain commissioners,[30]
"who were to meet such as might be appointed by the other states in
the union, at a time and place to be agreed on, to take into
consideration the trade of the United States; to examine the relative
situation and trade of the said states; to consider how far a uniform
system in their commercial relations may be necessary to their common
interest, and their permanent harmony; and to report to the several
states such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimously
ratified by them, will enable the United States in congress assembled
effectually to provide for the same."

[Footnote 30: Edmund Randolph, James Madison, Walter Jones,
St. George Tucker, and Meriwether Smith.]

In the circular letter transmitting these resolutions to the
respective states, Annapolis in Maryland was proposed as the place,
and the ensuing September as the time of meeting.

Before the arrival of the period at which these commissioners were to
assemble, the idea was carried by those who saw and deplored the
complicated calamities which flowed from the intricacy of the general
government, much further than was avowed by the resolution of
Virginia. "Although," said one of the most conspicuous patriots[31] of
the revolution, in a letter to General Washington, dated the 16th of
March, 1786, "you have wisely retired from public employments, and
calmly view from the temple of fame, the various exertions of that
sovereignty and independence which Providence has enabled you to be so
greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to your country, yet I
am persuaded you can not view them with the eye of an unconcerned
spectator.

[Footnote 31: Mr. Jay.]

"Experience has pointed out errors in our national government which
call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected
from our tree of liberty. The convention proposed by Virginia may do
some good, and would perhaps do more, if it comprehended more objects.
An opinion begins to prevail that a general convention for revising
the articles of confederation would be expedient. Whether the people
are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be
attained by it is only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is
difficult to ascertain.

"I think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of
considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness. It is in
contemplation to take measures for forming a general convention. The
plan is not matured. If it should be well connected and take effect, I
am fervent in my wishes that it may comport with the line of life you
have marked out for yourself, to favour your country with your
counsels on such an important and _single_ occasion. I suggest this
merely as a hint for consideration."

In the moment of tranquillity, and of real or imaginary security, the
mind delights to retrace the intricate path by which this point of
repose has been attained. The patriots who accomplished that great
revolution which has given to the American people a national
government capable of maintaining the union of the states, and of
preserving republican liberty, must be gratified with the review of
that arduous and doubtful struggle, which terminated in the triumph of
human reason, and the establishment of that government. Even to him
who was not an actor in the busy scene, who enjoys the fruits of the
labour without participating in the toils or the fears of the patriots
who have preceded him, the sentiments entertained by the most
enlightened and virtuous of America at the eventful period between the
restoration of peace and the adoption of our present free and
effective constitution, can not be uninteresting.

"Our affairs," said the same gentleman in a letter of the 27th of
June, "seem to lead to some crisis, some revolution--something that I
can not foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and apprehensive, more so
than during the war. _Then_, we had a fixed object, and though the
means and time of obtaining it were often problematical, yet I did
firmly believe that we should ultimately succeed, because I did firmly
believe that justice was with us. The case is now altered; we are
going, and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils and
calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature,
or measure of them.

"That we shall again recover, and things again go well, I have no
doubt. Such a variety of circumstances would not, almost miraculously,
have combined to liberate and make us a nation, for transient and
unimportant purposes. I therefore believe we are yet to become a great
and respectable people--but when or how, only the spirit of prophecy
can discern.

"There doubtless is much reason to think and to say that we are
wofully, and, in many instances, wickedly misled. Private rage for
property suppresses public considerations, and personal rather than
national interests have become the great objects of attention.
Representative bodies will ever be faithful copies of their originals,
and generally exhibit a chequered assemblage of virtue and vice, of
abilities and weakness. The mass of men are neither wise nor good, and
the virtue, like the other resources of a country, can only be drawn
to a point by strong circumstances, ably managed, or strong
governments, ably administered. New governments have not the aid of
habit and hereditary respect, and being generally the result of
preceding tumult and confusion, do not immediately acquire stability
or strength. Besides, in times of commotion, some men will gain
confidence and importance who merit neither; and who, like political
mountebanks, are less solicitous about the health of the credulous
crowd, than about making the most of their nostrums and prescriptions.

"What I most fear is, that the better kind of people (by which I mean
the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their
situations, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by the
insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and
the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms of
liberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of uncertainty and
fluctuation must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds
for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security."

To this interesting letter, General Washington made the following
reply: "Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a
crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the
reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct; we have probably had
too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation.
Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into
execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the
intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as
a nation, without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the
whole union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the state
governments extends over the several states. To be fearful of
investing congress, constituted as that body is, with ample
authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of
popular absurdity and madness. Could congress exert them for the
detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or
greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with
those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment, must they
not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to
be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described,
that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many
occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their
popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find
it: perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion
that congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humble
tone of requisition in applications to the states, when they had a
right to assert their imperial dignity, and command obedience. Be that
as it may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen
sovereign, independent, disunited states, are in the habit of
discussing, and refusing or complying with them at their option.
Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a bye-word
throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated
the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy,
they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things can not
go on in the same train for ever. It is much to be feared, as you
observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these
circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution
whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To
anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part of
wisdom and patriotism.

"What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am
told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of
government without horror. From thinking, proceeds speaking, thence to
acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous!
what a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions!--what a
triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable
of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal
liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God that wise
measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but
too much reason to apprehend.

"Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I can not feel
myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in
bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is
not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles.

"Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have
much weight on the minds of my countrymen.--They have been neglected,
though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner.--I had then
perhaps some claims to public attention.--I consider myself as having
none at present."

[Sidenote: The convention at Annapolis.]

The convention at Annapolis was attended by commissioners from only
six states.[32] These, after appointing Mr. Dickinson their chairman,
proceeded to discuss the objects for which they had convened.
Perceiving that more ample powers would be required to effect the
beneficial purposes which they contemplated, and hoping to procure a
representation from a greater number of states, the convention
determined to rise without coming to any specific resolutions on the
particular subject which had been referred to them. Previous to their
adjournment, however, they agreed on a report to be made to their
respective states, in which they represented the necessity of
extending the revision of the federal system to all its defects, and
recommended that deputies for that purpose be appointed by the several
legislatures, to meet in convention in the city of Philadelphia, on
the second day of the ensuing May.

[Footnote 32: New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
Maryland, and Virginia.]

The reasons for preferring a convention to a discussion of this
subject in congress were stated to be, "that in the latter body, it
might be too much interrupted by the ordinary business before them,
and would, besides, be deprived of the valuable counsels of sundry
individuals who were disqualified by the constitution or laws of
particular states, or by peculiar circumstances, from a seat in that
assembly."

A copy of this report was transmitted to congress in a letter from the
chairman, stating the inefficacy of the federal government, and the
necessity of devising such further provisions as would render it
adequate to the exigencies of the union.

[Sidenote: Virginia appoints deputies to meet those of other states at
Philadelphia for the purpose of revising the federal system.]

On receiving this report, the legislature of Virginia passed an act
for the appointment of deputies to meet such as might be appointed by
other states; to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, at the time,
and for the purposes, specified in the recommendation from the
convention which had met at Annapolis.

In communicating this act to General Washington, its principal
advocate[33] thus intimated the intention of aiding it by the
influence and character of the chief of the revolution. "It has been
thought adviseable to give the subject a very solemn dress, and all
the weight which could be derived from a single state. This idea will
also be pursued in the selection of characters to represent Virginia
in the federal convention. You will infer our earnestness on this
point, from the liberty which will be used of placing your name at the
head of them. How far this liberty may correspond with the ideas by
which you ought to be governed, will be best decided where it must
ultimately be decided. In every event it will assist powerfully in
marking the zeal of our legislature, and its opinion of the magnitude
of the occasion."

[Footnote 33: Mr. Madison.]

"Although," said the general in reply, "I have bid a public adieu to
the public walks of life, and had resolved never more to tread that
theatre; yet, if upon an occasion so interesting to the well being of
the confederacy, it had been the wish of the assembly that I should be
an associate in the business of revising the federal system, I should
from a sense of the obligation I am under for repeated proofs of
confidence in me, more than from any opinion I could entertain of my
usefulness, have obeyed its call; but it is now out of my power to do
this with any degree of consistency--the cause I will mention.

"I presume you heard, sir, that I was first appointed, and have since
been rechosen president of the society of the Cincinnati; and you may
have understood also, that the triennial general meeting of this body
is to be held in Philadelphia the first Monday in May next. Some
particular reasons combining with the peculiar situation of my private
concerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a wish for
retirement and relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains which
I begin to feel very sensibly, induced me, on the 31st ultimo, to
address a circular letter to each state society, informing them of my
intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be
rechosen president. The vice-president is also informed of this, that
the business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. Under
these circumstances, it will readily be perceived that I could not
appear at the same time and place on any other occasion, without
giving offence to a very respectable and deserving part of the
community--the late officers of the American army."

[Sidenote: Washington chosen one of them.]

Notwithstanding this letter, the name of General Washington was not
withdrawn, and he was unanimously chosen a member of the convention.
On receiving private information of this appointment, he addressed a
second letter to his confidential friend, in which he detailed more at
large, the motives which induced him to decline a service, the
importance of which he felt sensibly, and which he would willingly
have undertaken but for the peculiar circumstances which were stated.

His name, however, was continued in the appointment. The gloomy aspect
of affairs in the north rendered this the more necessary, and it was
thus explained by his correspondent. "I have considered well the
circumstances which it (your letter) confidentially discloses, as well
as those contained in your preceding favour. The difficulties which
they oppose to an acceptance of the appointment in which you are
included, can as little be denied, as they can fail to be regretted.
But I still am inclined to think, that the posture of our affairs, if
it should continue, would prevent any criticism on the situation which
the contemporary meetings would place you in; and wish that at least a
door could be kept open for your acceptance hereafter, in case the
gathering clouds should become so dark and menacing as to supersede
every consideration but that of our national existence or safety. A
suspense of your ultimate determination would be nowise inconvenient
in a public view, as the executive are authorized to fill vacancies,
and can fill them at any time; and in any event, three out of seven
deputies are authorized to represent the state. How far it may be
admissible in another view, will depend perhaps in some measure on the
chance of your finally undertaking the service, but principally on the
correspondence which is now passing on the subject, between yourself
and the governor."

The governor of Virginia,[34] who was himself also elected to the
convention, transmitted to General Washington the act, and the vote of
the assembly in the following letter. "By the enclosed act you will
readily discover that the assembly are alarmed at the storms which
threaten the United States. What our enemies have foretold seems to be
hastening to its accomplishment, and can not be frustrated but by an
instantaneous, zealous, and steady union among the friends of the
federal government. To you I need not press our present dangers. The
inefficiency of congress you have often felt in your official
character; the increasing languor of our associated republics you
hourly see; and a dissolution would be, I know, to you, a source of
the deepest mortification.

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