The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
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[Footnote 34: Mr. Randolph.]
"I freely then entreat you to accept the unanimous appointment of the
general assembly to the convention at Philadelphia. For the gloomy
prospect still admits one ray of hope, that those who began, carried
on, and consummated the revolution, can yet rescue America from the
impending ruin."
"Sensible as I am," said the general in reply, "of the honour
conferred on me by the general assembly of this commonwealth, in
appointing me one of the deputies to a convention proposed to be held
in the city of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of revising
the federal constitution; and desirous as I am on all occasions of
testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my country--yet, sir,
there exist at this moment, circumstances which I am persuaded will
render this fresh instance of confidence incompatible with other
measures which I had previously adopted, and from which seeing little
prospect of disengaging myself, it would be disingenuous not to
express a wish that some other character, on whom greater reliance can
be had, may be substituted in my place, the probability of my
non-attendance being too great to continue my appointment.
"As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the
critical situation of our affairs, resulting in a great measure from
the want of efficient powers in the federal head, and due respect to
its ordinances, so consequently those who do engage in the important
business of removing these defects, will carry with them every good
wish of mine, which the best dispositions towards their attainment can
bestow."
The executive, unwilling to relinquish the advantages which the
legislature had expected to derive from exhibiting the name of
Washington at the head of the Virginia delegation, refused to consider
him as having declined the appointment. That his judgment had not
completely decided on the course which duty and patriotism required
him to pursue; that in a crisis on which probably depended the union
of the states, and the happiness of America, he refused himself
reluctantly to the anxious wishes of his countrymen; were too apparent
not to leave a hope that events might yet determine him to yield to
their desires. He was therefore emphatically requested not to decide
absolutely, and was informed that as no inconvenience would result
from not appointing a successor, the option of complying with the
earnest solicitations of those who considered the effort about to be
made as the last hope of the union, would, as long as possible, be
permitted to remain with him. In the mean time, those who persuaded
themselves that much good might result from the proposed convention,
continued to urge him with delicacy but with earnestness, not to
withhold on this great and particular occasion, those inestimable
services which the confidence so justly reposed by the public in his
talents and character, enabled him alone to render.
Placed in these circumstances, General Washington weighed deliberately
in his own mind the arguments for and against accepting the
appointment which was so seriously pressed upon him. That the proposed
convention was, in any point of view in which it could be
contemplated, an object of the first magnitude, appeared to him to be
undeniable. It was apparent that the actual government could not exist
much longer without additional means. It was therefore necessary to
meet the solemn question whether it ought to be supported or
annihilated. Those who embraced the former part of the alternative
must consider the convention as the only remaining experiment from
which the federal government could derive powers sufficiently ample
for its preservation. Those who embraced the latter, who thought that
on a full and dispassionate revision of the system, its continuance
would be adjudged impracticable or unwise, could not hesitate to admit
that their opinion would derive great additional weight from the
sanction of so respectable a body as that which was about to assemble:
and that in such an event, it was greatly desirable, and would afford
some security against civil discord, to put the public in possession
of a plan prepared and digested by such high authority. "I must
candidly confess," he added in a letter to Colonel Humphries, "as we
could not remain quiet more than three or four years in time of peace,
under the constitutions of our own choosing, which were believed in
many states to have been formed with deliberation and wisdom, I see
little prospect either of our agreeing on any other, or that we should
remain long satisfied under it, if we could. Yet I would wish any
thing and every thing essayed to prevent the effusion of blood, and to
avert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in
the annals of mankind!"
Earnestly as General Washington wished success to the experiment about
to be made, he could not surrender his objections to the step its
friends urged him to take, without the most serious consideration. In
addition to that which grew out of his connexion with the Cincinnati,
and to the reluctance with which he could permit himself to be drawn,
on any occasion, into a political station, there were others which
could not be disregarded. A convention, not originating in a
recommendation of congress, was deemed by many an illegitimate
meeting; and as the New England states had neglected the invitation to
appear by their representatives at Annapolis, there was reason to
apprehend they might be equally inattentive to the request now made
them to assemble at Philadelphia. To appear in a public character, for
a purpose not generally deemed of the utmost importance, would not
only be unpleasant to himself, but might diminish his capacity to be
useful on occasions which subsequent events might produce. "If," said
he in a private letter to a military friend, "this second attempt to
convene the states for the purposes proposed by the report of the
partial representation at Annapolis in September, should also prove
abortive, it may be considered as unequivocal evidence that the states
are not likely to agree on any general measure which is to pervade the
union, and of course, that there is an end of the federal government.
The states which make this last dying essay to avoid this misfortune
would be mortified at the issue, and their deputies would return home
chagrined at their ill success and disappointment. This would be a
disagreeable circumstance to any one of them, but more particularly to
a person in my situation." His letters of consultation therefore, with
a few confidential friends, also requested information respecting
those points on which his own judgment might ultimately be formed. He
was particularly desirous of knowing how the proposition made by
Virginia was received in the other states, and what measures were
taken to contravene, or to give it effect. He inquired too with the
utmost solicitude how the members of the Cincinnati would receive his
appearance in convention, after declining to be rechosen the president
of that society.
The enlightened friends of the union and of republican government,
generally regarded the convention as a measure which afforded the best
chance for preserving liberty and internal peace. And those whose
hopes predominated over their fears, were anxious to increase the
probability of deriving from it every practicable good, by retaining
on the list of its members, the most conspicuous name of which America
could boast. But this opinion was not universal. Among those who felt
the importance of the crisis, and who earnestly wished that a free
government, competent to the preservation of the union, might be
established, there were some who despaired of a favourable issue to
the attempt, and who were therefore anxious to rescue their general
from the increased mortification which would attend its failure,
should he be personally engaged in it. They believed that all the
states would not be represented in the convention. In a letter of the
20th of January, 1787, Colonel Humphries, who was himself under this
impression, thus accounts for the omission of the federal men in the
assembly of Connecticut, to press the appointment of deputies. "The
reason," he said, "was a conviction that the persons who could be
elected were some of the best anti-federal men in the state, who
believed, or acted as if they believed, that the powers of congress
were already too unlimited, and who would wish, apparently, to see the
union dissolved. These demagogues," continued the letter, "really
affect to persuade the people (to use their own phraseology) that they
are only in danger of having their liberties stolen away by an artful
designing aristocracy. But should the convention be formed under the
most favourable auspices, and should the members be unanimous in
recommending, in the most forcible, the most glowing, and the most
pathetic terms which language can afford, that it is indispensable to
the salvation of the country, congress should be clothed with more
ample powers, the states," he thought, "would not all comply with the
recommendation. They have a mortal reluctance to divest themselves of
the smallest attribute of independent separate sovereignties." After
assigning many reasons against accepting the appointment, this
gentleman added: "the result of the convention may not perhaps be so
important as is expected, in which case your character would be
materially affected. Other people can work up the present scene. I
know your personal influence and character is justly considered the
last stake which America has to play. Should you not reserve yourself
for the united call of a continent entire?
"If you should attend on this convention, and concur in recommending
measures which should be generally adopted, but opposed in some parts
of the union, it would doubtless be understood that you had in a
degree pledged yourself for their execution. This would at once sweep
you back inevitably into the tide of public affairs."
The same opinion was also intimated by another military friend[35] who
had always possessed a large portion of the esteem and affection of
his general. After stating the various and contradictory plans of
government which were suggested by the schemers of the day, he added:
"you will see by this sketch, my dear sir, how various are the
opinions of men, and how difficult it will be to bring them to concur
in any effective government. I am persuaded, if you were determined to
attend the convention, and it should be generally known, it would
induce the eastern states to send delegates to it. I should therefore
be much obliged for information of your decision on this subject. At
the same time, the principles of the purest and most respectful
friendship induce me to say, that however strongly I wish for measures
which would lead to national happiness and glory, yet I do not wish
you to be concerned in any political operations, of which there are
such various opinions. There may indeed arise some solemn occasion, in
which you may conceive it to be your duty again to exert your utmost
talents to promote the happiness of your country. But this occasion
must be of an unequivocal nature, in which the enlightened and
virtuous citizens should generally concur."
[Footnote 35: General Knox.]
While the confidential friends of General Washington were thus divided
on the part which it behoved him to act, there was much reason to fear
that a full representation of the states would not be obtained. Among
those who were disinclined to a convention, were persons who were
actuated by different, and even by opposite motives. There were
probably some who believed that a higher toned[36] government than was
compatible with the opinions generally prevailing among the friends of
order, of real liberty, and of national character, was essential to
the public safety. They believed that men would be conducted to that
point only through the road of misery into which their follies would
lead them, and that "times must be worse before they could be better."
Many had sketched in their own minds a plan of government strongly
resembling that which had been actually adopted, but despaired of
seeing so rational a system accepted, or even recommended; "some
gentlemen," said the correspondent last mentioned, "are apprehensive
that a convention of the nature proposed to meet in May next, might
devise some expedient to brace up the present defective confederation,
so as just to serve to keep us together, while it would prevent those
exertions for a national character which are essential to our
happiness: that in this point of view it might be attended with the
bad effect of assisting us to creep on in our present miserable
condition, without a hope of a generous constitution, that should, at
the same time, shield us from the effects of faction, and of
despotism."[37] Many discountenanced the convention, because the mode
of calling it was deemed irregular, and some objected to it, because
it was not so constituted as to give authority to the plan which
should be devised. But the great mass of opposition originated in a
devotion to state sovereignty, and in hostility to any considerable
augmentation of federal power.
[Footnote 36: This sentiment was far from being avowed by
any correspondent of General Washington, but is stated in
the private letters to him, to have been taken up by some.]
[Footnote 37: In a subsequent part of the same letter, this
gentleman draws the outlines of a constitution such as he
would wish. It is essentially the same with that which was
recommended by the convention.]
The ultimate decision of the states on this interesting proposition
seems to have been in no inconsiderable degree influenced by the
commotions which about that time agitated all New England, and
particularly Massachusetts.
[Sidenote: Insurrection in Massachusetts.]
Those causes of discontent which existed, after the restoration of
peace, in every part of the union, were particularly operative in New
England. The great exertions which had been made by those states in
the course of the war, had accumulated a mass of debt, the taxes for
the payment of which were the more burdensome, because their fisheries
had become unproductive. The restlessness produced by the uneasy
situation of individuals, connected with lax notions concerning public
and private faith, and erroneous opinions which confound liberty with
an exemption from legal control, produced a state of things which
alarmed all reflecting men, and demonstrated to many the indispensable
necessity of clothing government with powers sufficiently ample for
the protection of the rights of the peaceable and quiet, from the
invasions of the licentious and turbulent part of the community.
This disorderly spirit was cherished by unlicensed conventions, which,
after voting their own constitutionality, and assuming the name of the
people, arrayed themselves against the legislature, and detailed at
great length the grievances by which they alleged themselves to be
oppressed. Its hostility was principally directed against the
compensation promised to the officers of the army, against taxes, and
against the administration of justice: and the circulation of a
depreciated currency was required, as a relief from the pressure of
public and private burdens which had become, it was alleged, too heavy
to be borne. Against lawyers and courts, the strongest resentments
were manifested; and to such a dangerous extent were these
dispositions indulged, that, in many instances, tumultuous assemblages
of people arrested the course of law, and restrained the judges from
proceeding in the execution of their duty. The ordinary recourse to
the power of the country was found an insufficient protection, and the
appeals made to reason were attended with no beneficial effect. The
forbearance of the government was attributed to timidity rather than
to moderation, and the spirit of insurrection appeared to be organized
into a regular system for the suppression of courts.
In the bosom of Washington, these tumults excited attention and alarm.
"For God's sake tell me," said he in a letter to Colonel Humphries,
"what is the cause of all these commotions? Do they proceed from
licentiousness, British influence disseminated by the tories, or real
grievances which admit of redress? if the latter, why was redress
delayed until the public mind had become so much agitated? if the
former, why are not the powers of government tried at once? It is as
well to be without, as not to exercise them. Commotions of this sort,
like snow-balls, gather strength as they roll, if there is no
opposition in the way to divide and crumble them."
"As to your question, my dear general," said Colonel Humphries in
reply, "respecting the cause and origin of these commotions, I hardly
find myself in condition to give a certain answer. If from all the
information I have been able to obtain, I might be authorized to
hazard an opinion, I should attribute them to all the three causes
which you have suggested. In Massachusetts particularly, I believe
there are a few real grievances; and also some wicked agents or
emissaries who have been busy in magnifying the positive evils, and
fomenting causeless jealousies and disturbances. But it rather appears
to me, that there is a licentious spirit prevailing among many of the
people; a levelling principle; a desire of change; and a wish to
annihilate all debts, public and private." "It is indeed a fact," said
General Knox, after returning from a visit to the eastern country,
"that high taxes are the ostensible cause of the commotion, but that
they are the real cause, is as far remote from truth, as light is from
darkness. The people who are the insurgents have never paid any, or
but very little taxes. But they see the weakness of government. They
feel at once their own poverty compared with the opulent, and their
own force; and they are determined to make use of the latter, in order
to remedy the former. Their creed is, that the property of the United
States has been protected from confiscation by the joint exertions of
all, and therefore ought to be common to all. And he that attempts
opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought
to be swept from the face of the earth."
The force of this party throughout New England was computed by General
Knox at twelve or fifteen thousand men. "They were chiefly," he said,
"of the young and active part of the community, who were more easily
collected than kept together. Desperate and unprincipled, they would
probably commit overt acts of treason which would compel them, for
their own safety, to embody and submit to discipline. Thus would there
be a formidable rebellion against reason, the principle of all
government, and the very name of liberty. This dreadful situation," he
added, "has alarmed every man of principle and property in New
England. They start as from a dream, and ask--what has been the cause
of our delusion? What is to afford us security against the violence of
lawless men? Our government must be braced, changed, or altered, to
secure our lives and our property. We imagined that the mildness of
the government, and the virtue of the people were so correspondent,
that we were not as other nations, requiring brutal force to support
the laws. But we find that we are men, actual men, possessing all the
turbulent passions belonging to that animal; and that we must have a
government proper and adequate for him. Men of reflection and
principle are determined to endeavour to establish a government which
shall have the power to protect them in their lawful pursuits, and
which will be efficient in cases of internal commotions, or foreign
invasions. They mean that liberty shall be the basis, a liberty
resulting from the equal and firm administration of the laws."
Deeply affected by these commotions, General Washington continued his
anxious inquiries respecting the course they threatened to take. "I
feel, my dear General Knox," said he, in answer to the letter from
which the foregoing extracts are taken, "infinitely more than I can
express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these states.
Good God! who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a Briton have
predicted them? I do assure you that even at this moment, when I
reflect upon the present aspect of our affairs, it seems to me like
the visions of a dream. My mind can scarcely realize it as a thing in
actual existence:--so strange, so wonderful does it appear to me. In
this, as in most other matters, we are too slow. When this spirit
first dawned, it might probably have been easily checked; but it is
scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when,
where, or how it will terminate. There are combustibles in every
state, to which a spark might set fire.
"In bewailing, which I have often done with the keenest sorrow, the
death of our much lamented friend General Greene,[38] I have
accompanied my regrets of late with a query, whether he would not have
preferred such an exit to the scenes which it is more than probable,
many of his compatriots may live to bemoan."
[Footnote 38: This valuable officer died in Georgia in the
year 1786.]
Ostensibly, on account of the danger which threatened the frontiers,
but, really, with a view to the situation of Massachusetts, congress
had agreed to augment the military establishment to a legionary corps
of two thousand and forty men, and had detached the secretary of war,
General Knox, to that state, with directions to concert measures with
its government for the safety of the arsenal at Springfield. So
inauspicious was the aspect of affairs, as to inspire serious fears
that the torch of civil discord, about to be lighted up in
Massachusetts, would communicate its flame to all New England, and
perhaps to the union. Colonel Lee, a member of congress, drew the
following picture of the condition of the eastern country at that
time. "General Knox has just returned, and his report, grounded on his
own knowledge, is replete with melancholy information. A majority of
the people of Massachusetts are in opposition to the government. Some
of the leaders avow the subversion of it to be their object, together
with the abolition of debts, the division of property, and a reunion
with Great Britain. In all the eastern states, same temper prevails
more or less, and will certainly break forth whenever the opportune
moment may arrive. The malcontents are in close connexion with
Vermont, and that district, it is believed, is in negotiation with the
government of Canada. In one word, my dear general, we are all in dire
apprehension that a beginning of anarchy with all its calamities is
made, and we have no means to stop the dreadful work. Knowing your
unbounded influence, and believing that your appearance among the
seditious might bring them back to peace and reconciliation,
individuals suggest the propriety of an invitation to you from
congress to pay us a visit. This is only a surmise, and I take the
liberty to mention it to you, that, should the conjuncture of affairs
induce congress to make this request, you may have some previous time
for reflection on it."
"The picture which you have exhibited," replied the general, "and the
accounts which are published of the commotions and temper of numerous
bodies in the eastern country, present a state of things equally to be
lamented and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy verification of
what our transatlantic foes have predicted; and of another thing
perhaps which is still more to be regretted, and is yet more
unaccountable--that mankind when left to themselves are unfit for
their own government. I am mortified beyond expression when I view the
clouds which have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon
any country. In a word, I am lost in amazement when I behold what
intrigue, the interested views of desperate characters, ignorance and
jealousy of the minor part, are capable of effecting as a scourge on
the major part of our fellow citizens of the union; for it is hardly
to be supposed that the great body of the people, though they will not
act, can be so short sighted or enveloped in darkness, as not to see
rays of a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication and folly.
"You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present
tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be
found; nor if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these
disorders. _Influence_ is not _government_. Let us have a
_government_, by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be
secured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my
humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely
what the insurgents aim at. If they have _real_ grievances, redress
them if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your
inability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, employ the
force of the government against them at once. If this is inadequate,
_all_ will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants
support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more
contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. To delay one or
the other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one hand, or to
give confidence on the other, and will add to their numbers; for like
snow-balls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is
something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before their weight
is too great and irresistible.