The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)

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The amendment was rejected.

[Sidenote: On the style by which the president should be addressed.]

Among the interesting points which were settled in the first congress,
was the question by what style the President and Vice President should
be addressed. Mr. Benson, from the committee appointed to confer with
a committee of the senate on this subject reported, "that it is not
proper to annex any style or title to the respective styles or titles
of office expressed in the constitution;" and this report was, without
opposition, agreed to in the house of representatives. In the senate,
the report was disapproved, and a resolution passed requesting the
house of representatives to appoint another committee, again to confer
with one from the senate, on the same subject. This message being
taken up in the house of representatives, a resolution was moved by
Mr. Parker, seconded by Mr. Page, declaring that it would be improper
to accede to the request of the senate. Several members were in favour
of this motion; but others who were opposed to receding from the
ground already taken, seemed inclined to appoint a committee as a
measure properly respectful to the other branch of the legislature.

After a warm debate, the resolution proposed by Mr. Parker was set
aside by the previous question, and a committee of conference was
appointed. They could not agree upon a report, in consequence of which
the subject was permitted to rest; and the senate, conforming to the
precedent given by the house of representatives, addressed the
President in their answer to his speech by the terms used in the
constitution.

While the representatives were preparing bills for organizing the
great executive departments, the senate was occupied with digesting
the system of a national judiciary. This complex and extensive subject
was taken up in the commencement of the session, and was completed
towards its close.

[Sidenote: Amendment to the constitution proposed by congress and
ratified by the states.]

In the course of this session Mr. Madison brought forward a
proposition for recommending to the consideration and adoption of the
states, several new articles to be added to the constitution.

Many of those objections to it which had been urged with all the
vehemence of conviction, and which, in the opinion of some of its
advocates, were entitled to serious consideration, were believed by
the most intelligent to derive their sole support from erroneous
construction of the instrument. Others were upon points on which the
objectors might be gratified without injury to the system. To
conciliate the affections of their brethren to the government, was an
object greatly desired by its friends. Disposed to respect, what they
deemed, the errors of their opponents, where that respect could be
manifested without a sacrifice of essential principles, they were
anxious to annex to the constitution those explanations and barriers
against the possible encroachments of rulers on the liberties of the
people, which had been loudly demanded, however unfounded, in their
judgments, might be the fears by which those demands were suggested.
These dispositions were perhaps, in some measure, stimulated to
exertion by motives of the soundest policy. The formidable minorities
in several of the conventions, which in the legislatures of some
powerful states had become majorities, and the refusal of two states
to complete the union, were admonitions not to be disregarded, of the
necessity of removing jealousies, however misplaced, which operated on
so large a portion of society. Among the most zealous friends of the
constitution therefore, were found some of the first and warmest
advocates for amendments.

To meet the various ideas expressed by the several conventions; to
select from the mass of alterations which they had proposed those
which might be adopted without stripping the government of its
necessary powers; to condense them into a form and compass which would
be acceptable to persons disposed to indulge the caprice, and to adopt
the language of their particular states; were labours not easily to be
accomplished. But the greatest difficulty to be surmounted was, the
disposition to make those alterations which would enfeeble, and
materially injure, the future operations of the government. At length,
ten articles in addition to and amendment of the constitution, were
assented to by two-thirds of both houses of congress, and proposed to
the legislatures of the several states. Although the necessity of
these amendments had been urged by the enemies of the constitution,
and denied by its friends, they encountered scarcely any other
opposition in the state legislatures, than was given by the leaders of
the anti-federal party. Admitting the articles to be good and
necessary, it was contended that they were not sufficient for the
security of liberty; and the apprehension was avowed that their
adoption would quiet the fears of the people, and check the pursuit of
those radical alterations which would afford a safe and adequate
protection to their rights. They were at length ratified by the
legislatures of three-fourths of the states, and probably contributed,
in some degree, to diminish the jealousies which had been imbibed
against the constitution.

[Sidenote: Appointment of the officers of the cabinet, council and of
the judges.]

The government being completely organized, and a system of revenue
established, the important duty of filling the offices which had been
created, remained to be performed. In the execution of this delicate
trust, the purest virtue and the most impartial judgment were
exercised in selecting the best talents, and the greatest weight of
character, which the United States could furnish. The unmingled
patriotism of the motives by which the President was actuated, would
receive its clearest demonstration from a view of all his private
letters on this subject: and the success of his endeavours is attested
by the abilities and reputation which he drew into the public service.

At the head of the department of foreign affairs, since denominated
the department of state, he placed Mr. Jefferson.

This gentleman had been bred to the bar, and at an early period of
life, had acquired considerable reputation for extensive attainments
in the science of politics. He had been a distinguished member of the
second congress, and had been offered a diplomatic appointment, which
he had declined. Withdrawing from the administration of continental
affairs, he had been elected governor of Virginia, which office he
filled for two years. He afterwards again represented his native state
in the councils of the union, and in the year 1784, was appointed to
succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles. In that station, he
had acquitted himself much to the public satisfaction. His Notes on
Virginia, which were read with applause, were believed to evince the
soundness of his political opinions; and the Declaration of
Independence was universally ascribed to his pen. He had long been
placed by America amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and had
long been classed by the President with those who were most capable of
serving the nation. Having lately obtained permission to return for a
short time to the United States, he was, while on his passage,
nominated to this important office; and, on his arrival in Virginia,
found a letter from the President, giving him the option of becoming
the secretary of foreign affairs, or of retaining his station at the
court of Versailles. He appears rather to have inclined to continue in
his foreign appointment; and, in changing his situation, to have
consulted the wishes of the first magistrate more than the preference
of his own mind.

The task of restoring public credit, of drawing order and arrangement
from the chaotic confusion in which the finances of America were
involved, and of devising means which should render the revenue
productive, and commensurate with the demand, in a manner least
burdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous of
the duties which devolved on the new government. In discharging it,
much aid was expected from the head of the treasury. This important,
and, at that time, intricate department, was assigned to Colonel
Hamilton.

This gentleman was a native of the island of St. Croix, and, at a very
early period of life, had been placed by his friends, in New York.
Possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions of
the moment, and, with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his
pen, and afterwards his sword, in the stern contest between the
American colonies and their parent state. Among the first troops
raised by New York was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed
a captain. Soon after the war was transferred to the Hudson, his
superior endowments recommended him to the attention of the
Commander-in-chief, into whose family, before completing his
twenty-first year, he was invited to enter. Equally brave and
intelligent, he continued, in this situation, to display a degree of
firmness and capacity which commanded the confidence and esteem of his
general, and of the principal officers in the army.

After the capitulation at Yorktown, the war languished throughout the
American continent, and the probability that its termination was
approaching daily increased.

The critical circumstances of the existing government rendered the
events of the civil, more interesting than those of the military
department; and Colonel Hamilton accepted a seat in the congress of
the United States. In all the important acts of the day, he performed
a conspicuous part; and was greatly distinguished among those
distinguished men whom the crisis had attracted to the councils of
their country. He had afterwards been active in promoting those
measures which led to the convention at Philadelphia, of which he was
a member, and had greatly contributed to the adoption of the
constitution by the state of New York. In the pre-eminent part he had
performed, both in the military and civil transactions of his country,
he had acquired a great degree of well merited fame; and the frankness
of his manners, the openness of his temper, the warmth of his
feelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had secured him many
valuable friends.

To talents equally splendid and useful, he united a patient industry,
not always the companion of genius, which fitted him, in a peculiar
manner, for subduing the difficulties to be encountered by the man who
should be placed at the head of the American finances.

The department of war was already filled by General Knox, and he was
again nominated to it.

Throughout the contest of the revolution, this officer had continued
at the head of the American artillery, and from being the colonel of a
regiment, had been promoted to the rank of a major general. In this
important station, he had preserved a high military character; and, on
the resignation of General Lincoln, had been appointed secretary of
war. To his past services, and to unquestionable integrity, he was
admitted to unite a sound understanding; and the public judgment, as
well as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respects
competent to the station he filled.

The office of attorney general was filled by Mr. Edmund Randolph. To a
distinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentleman
added a considerable degree of political eminence. After having been
for several years the attorney general of Virginia, he had been
elected its governor. While in this office, he was chosen a member of
the convention which framed the constitution, and was also elected to
that which was called by the state for its adoption or rejection.
After having served at the head of the executive the term permitted by
the constitution of the state, he entered into its legislature, where
he preserved a great share of influence.

Such was the first cabinet council of the President. In its
composition, public opinion as well as intrinsic worth had been
consulted, and a high degree of character had been combined with real
talent.

In the selection of persons for high judicial offices, the President
was guided by the same principles. At the head of this department he
placed Mr. John Jay.

From the commencement of the revolution, this gentleman had filled a
large space in the public mind. Remaining, without intermission, in
the service of his country, he had passed through a succession of high
offices, and, in all of them, had merited the approbation of his
fellow citizens. To his pen, while in congress, America was indebted
for some of those masterly addresses which reflected most honour upon
the government; and to his firmness and penetration, was to be
ascribed, in no inconsiderable degree, the happy issue of those
intricate negotiations, which were conducted, towards the close of the
war, at Madrid, and at Paris. On returning to the United States, he
had been appointed secretary of foreign affairs, in which station he
had conducted himself with his accustomed ability. A sound judgment
improved by extensive reading and great knowledge of public affairs,
unyielding firmness, and inflexible integrity, were qualities of which
Mr. Jay had given frequent and signal proofs. Although for some years
withdrawn from that profession to which he was bred, the acquisitions
of his early life had not been lost; and the subjects on which his
mind had been exercised, were not entirely foreign from those which
would, in the first instance, employ the courts in which he was to
preside.

John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, William
Cushing of Massachusetts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, and John Blair
of Virginia were nominated as associate justices. Some of these
gentlemen had filled the highest law offices in their respective
states; and all of them had received distinguished marks of the public
confidence.

In the systems which had been adopted by the several states, offices
corresponding to those created by the revenue laws of congress, had
been already established. Uninfluenced by considerations of personal
regard, the President could not be induced to change men whom he found
in place, if worthy of being employed; and where the man who had
filled such office in the former state of things was unexceptionable
in his conduct and character, he was uniformly re-appointed. In
deciding between competitors for vacant offices, the law he prescribed
for his government was to regard the fitness of candidates for the
duties they would be required to discharge; and, where an equality in
this respect existed, former merits and sufferings in the public
service, gave claims to preference which could not be overlooked.

In the legislative, as well as in the executive and judicial
departments, great respectability of character was also associated
with an eminent degree of talents. The constitutional prohibition to
appoint any member of the legislature to an office created during the
time for which he had been elected, did not exclude men of the most
distinguished abilities from the first congress. Impelled by an
anxious solicitude respecting the first measures of the government,
its zealous friends had pressed into its service: and, in both
branches of the legislature, men were found who possessed the fairest
claims to the public confidence.

From the duties attached to his office, the Vice President of the
United States, and President of the senate, though not a member of the
legislature, was classed, in the public mind, with that department not
less than with the executive. Elected by the whole people of America
in common with the President, he could not fail to be taken from the
most distinguished citizens, and to add to the dignity of the body
over which he presided.

Mr. John Adams was one of the earliest and most ardent patriots of the
revolution. Bred to the bar, he had necessarily studied the
constitution of his country, and was among the most determined
asserters of its rights. Active in guiding that high spirit which
animated all New England, he became a member of the congress of 1774,
and was among the first who dared to avow sentiments in favour of
independence. In that body he soon attained considerable eminence;
and, at an early stage of the war, was chosen one of the commissioners
to whom the interests of the United States in Europe were confided. In
his diplomatic character, he had contributed greatly to those measures
which drew Holland into the war; had negotiated the treaty between the
United States and the Dutch republic: and had, at critical points of
time, obtained loans of money which were of great advantage to his
country. In the negotiations which terminated the war, he had also
rendered important services; and, after the ratification of the
definitive articles of peace, had been deputed to Great Britain for
the purpose of effecting a commercial treaty with that nation. The
political situation of America having rendered this object
unattainable, he solicited leave to return, and arrived in the United
States soon after the adoption of the constitution.

As a statesman, this gentleman had, at all times, ranked high in the
estimation of his countrymen. He had improved a sound understanding by
extensive political and historical reading; and perhaps no American
had reflected more profoundly on the subject of government. The
exalted opinion he entertained of his own country was flattering to
his fellow citizens; and the purity of his mind, the unblemished
integrity of a life spent in the public service, had gained him their
confidence.

A government, supported in all its departments by so much character
and talent, at the head of which was placed a man whose capacity was
undoubted, whose life had been one great and continued lesson of
disinterested patriotism, and for whom almost every bosom glowed with
an attachment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to make a rapid
progress in conciliating the affection of the people. That all
hostility to the constitution should subside, that public measures
should receive universal approbation; that no particular disgusts and
individual irritations should be excited; were expectations which
could not reasonably be indulged. Exaggerated accounts were indeed
occasionally circulated of the pomp and splendour which were affected
by certain high officers, of the monarchical tendencies of particular
institutions, and of the dispositions which prevailed to increase the
powers of the executive. That the doors of the senate were closed, and
that a disposition had been manifested by that body to distinguish the
President of the United States by a title,[43] gave considerable
umbrage, and were represented as evincing inclinations in that branch
of the legislature, unfriendly to republicanism. The exorbitance of
salaries was also a subject of some declamation, and the equality of
commercial privileges with which foreign bottoms entered American
ports, was not free from objection. But the apprehensions of danger to
liberty from the new system, which had been impressed on the minds of
well meaning men, were visibly wearing off; the popularity of the
administration was communicating itself to the government; and the
materials with which the discontented were furnished, could not yet be
efficaciously employed.

[Footnote 43: The following extract from a letter written
July 1789, to Doctor Stuart, who had communicated to him
this among other private insinuations, shows the ideas
entertained by the President on this subject. "It is to be
lamented that a question has been stirred which has given
rise to so much animadversion, and which I confess has given
me much uneasiness, lest it should be supposed by some
unacquainted with facts that the object in view was not
displeasing to me. The truth is, the question was moved
before I arrived, without any privity or knowledge of it on
my part, and urged after I was apprised of it contrary to my
opinion;--for I foresaw and predicted the reception it has
met with, and the use that would be made of it by the
enemies of the government. Happily the matter is now done
with, I hope never to be revived."]

Towards the close of the session, a report on a petition which had
been presented at an early period by the creditors of the public
residing in the state of Pennsylvania, was taken up in the house of
representatives. Though many considerations rendered a postponement of
this interesting subject necessary, two resolutions were passed; the
one, "declaring that the house considered an adequate provision for
the support of the public credit, as a matter of high importance to
the national honour and prosperity;" and the other directing, "the
secretary of the treasury to prepare a plan for that purpose, and to
report the same to the house at its next meeting."

[Sidenote: Adjournment of the first session of congress.]

On the 29th of September, congress adjourned to the first Monday in
the succeeding January.

Throughout the whole of this laborious and important session, perfect
harmony subsisted between the executive and the legislature; and no
circumstance occurred which threatened to impair it. The modes of
communication between the departments of government were adjusted in a
satisfactory manner, and arrangements were made on some of those
delicate points in which the senate participate of executive power.

[Sidenote: The president visits the New England states.]

Anxious to visit New England, to observe in person the condition of
the country and the dispositions of the people towards the government
and its measures, the President was disposed to avail himself of the
short respite from official cares afforded by the recess of congress,
to make a tour through the eastern states. His resolution being taken,
and the executive business which required his immediate personal
attendance being despatched,[44] he commenced his tour on the 15th of
October; and, passing through Connecticut and Massachusetts, as far as
Portsmouth in New Hampshire, returned by a different route to New
York, where he arrived on the 13th of November.

[Footnote 44: Just before his departure from New York the
President received from the Count de Moustiers, the minister
of France, official notice that he was permitted by his
court to return to Europe. By the orders of his sovereign he
added, "that His Majesty was pleased at the alteration which
had taken place in the government, and congratulated America
on the choice they had made of a President." As from
himself, he observed that the government of this country had
been hitherto of so fluctuating a nature, that no dependence
could be placed on its proceedings; in consequence of which
foreign nations had been cautious of entering into treaties,
or engagements of any kind with the United States: but that
in the present government there was a head to look up to,
and power being placed in the hands of its officers,
stability in its measures might be expected. The disposition
of his Christian Majesty to cultivate the good will of the
new government was also manifested by his conduct in the
choice of a minister to replace the Count de Moustiers.
Colonel Ternan was named as a person who would be
particularly acceptable to America, and his appointment was
preceded by the compliment of ascertaining the sense of the
President respecting him.]

With this visit, the President had much reason to be satisfied. To
contemplate the theatre on which many interesting military scenes had
been exhibited, and to review the ground on which his first campaign
as Commander-in-chief of the American army had been made, were sources
of rational delight. To observe the progress of society, the
improvements in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and the
temper, circumstances, and dispositions of the people, could not fail
to be grateful to an intelligent mind, and an employment in all
respects, worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation. The
reappearance of their general, in the high station he now filled,
brought back to recollection the perilous transactions of the war; and
the reception universally given to him, attested the unabated love
which was felt for his person and character, and indicated
unequivocally the growing popularity, at least in that part of the
union, of the government he administered.

[Sidenote: His reception.]

The sincerity and warmth with which he reciprocated the affection
expressed for his person in the addresses presented to him, was well
calculated to preserve the sentiments which were generally diffused.
"I rejoice with you my fellow citizens," said he in answer to an
address from the inhabitants of Boston, "in every circumstance that
declares your prosperity;--and I do so most cordially because you have
well deserved to be happy.

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