The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
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[Footnote 46: On the first information at St. Augustine that
M'Gillivray was about to repair to New York, the
intelligence was communicated to the governor at the
Havanna, and the secretary of East Florida came to New York,
with a large sum of money to purchase flour, as it was said;
but to embarrass the negotiations with the Creeks was
believed to be his real design. He was closely watched, and
measures were taken to render any attempts he might make
abortive.]
[Footnote 47: See note, No. IV. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: Treaty with the Creek Indians.]
The pacific overtures made to the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamis
not having been equally successful, the western frontiers were still
exposed to their destructive incursions. A long course of experience
had convinced the President that, on the failure of negotiation, sound
policy and true economy, not less than humanity, required the
immediate employment of a force which should carry death and
destruction into the heart of the hostile settlements. Either not
feeling the same impressions, or disposed to indulge the wishes of the
western people, who declared openly their preference for desultory
military expeditions, congress did not adopt measures corresponding
with the wishes of the executive, and the military establishment[48]
was not equal to the exigency. The distresses of the frontier
establishment, therefore, still continued; and the hostility they had
originally manifested to the constitution, sustained no diminution.
[Footnote 48: On giving his assent to the bill "regulating
the military establishment of the United States," the
President subjoined to the entry in his diary the remark,
that although he gave it his sanction, "he did not conceive
that the military establishment was adequate to the
exigencies of the government, and to the protection it was
intended to afford." It consisted of one regiment of
infantry, and one battalion of artillery, amounting in the
total, exclusive of commissioned officers, to twelve hundred
and sixteen men.]
[Sidenote: United States in relations with Great Britain and Spain.]
No progress had been made in adjusting the points of controversy with
Spain and Britain. With the former power, the question of boundary
remained unsettled; and the cabinet of Madrid discovered no
disposition to relax the rigour of its pretensions respecting the
navigation of the Mississippi. Its general conduct furnished no
foundation for a hope that its dispositions towards the United States
were friendly, or that it could view their growing power without
jealousy.
The non-execution of the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th articles of the treaty
of peace, still furnished the United States and Great Britain with
matter for reciprocal crimination, which there was the more difficulty
in removing, because no diplomatic intercourse was maintained between
them. The cabinet of St. James having never appointed a minister to
the United States, and Mr. Adams having returned from London without
effecting the object of his mission, the American government felt some
difficulty in repeating advances which had been treated with neglect.
Yet there was much reason to desire full explanations with the English
government, and to understand perfectly its views and intentions. The
subjects for discussion were delicate in their nature, and could not
be permitted to remain in their present state, without hazarding the
most serious consequences. The detention of a part of the territory of
the United States, was a circumstance of much importance to the
honour, as well as to the interests of the nation, and the commercial
intercourse between the two countries was so extensive, as to require
amicable and permanent regulations. The early attention of the
President had been directed to these subjects; and, in October, 1789,
he had resolved on taking informal measures to sound the British
cabinet, and to ascertain its views respecting them. This negotiation
was entrusted to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who had been carried by
private business to Europe; and he conducted it with ability and
address, but was unable to bring it to a happy conclusion. The result
of his conferences with the Duke of Leeds, and with Mr. Pitt, was a
conviction that the British government, considering the posts they
occupied on the southern side of the great lakes as essential to their
monopoly of the fur trade, would surrender them reluctantly, and was
not desirous of entering into a commercial treaty. Those ministers
expressed a wish to be on the best terms with America; but repeated
the complaints which had been previously made by Lord Carmarthen, of
the non-execution of the treaty of peace on the part of the United
States. To the observations made by Mr. Morris, that the constitution
lately adopted, and the courts established under it, amounted to a
full compliance with that treaty on the part of the American
government, it was answered, that losses had already been sustained in
consequence of the obstructions given by the states to the fair
operation of that instrument, which rendered a faithful observance of
it, at present, impossible; and, in a note, the Duke of Leeds avowed
the intention, if the delay on the part of the American government to
fulfil its engagements made in the treaty should have rendered their
final completion impracticable, to retard the fulfilment of those
which depended entirely on Great Britain, until redress should be
granted to the subjects of his majesty on the specific points of the
treaty itself, or a fair and just compensation obtained for the
non-performance of those stipulations which the United States had
failed to observe. Though urged by Mr. Morris to state explicitly in
what respects, and to what degree, he considered the final completion
of those engagements to which the United States were bound, as having
been rendered impracticable, no such statement was given; and the
British government seemed inclined to avoid, for the present, those
full and satisfactory explanations, which were sought on the part of
the United States.
After detailing the motives which in his opinion influenced the
English cabinet in wishing to suspend for a time all discussions with
America, Mr. Morris observed, "perhaps there never was a moment in
which this country felt herself greater; and consequently, it is the
most unfavourable moment to obtain advantageous terms from her in any
bargain."
Whilst these negotiations were pending, intelligence was received at
London of the attack made on the British settlement at Nootka Sound;
and preparations were instantly made to resent the insult alleged to
have been offered to the nation. The high ground taken on this
occasion by the government, and the vigour with which it armed in
support of its pretensions, furnished strong reasons for the opinion
that a war with Spain, and probably with France, would soon be
commenced.
In America, this was considered as a favourable juncture for urging
the claims of the United States to the free navigation of the
Mississippi. Mr. Carmichael, their charge d'affaires at the court of
Madrid, was instructed not only to press this point with earnestness,
but to use his utmost endeavours to secure the unmolested use of that
river in future, by obtaining a cession of the island of New Orleans,
and of the Floridas. A full equivalent for this cession would be
found, it was said, in the sincere friendship of the United States,
and in the security it would give to the territories of Spain, west of
the Mississippi.
Mr. Carmichael was also instructed to point the attention of the
Spanish government to the peculiar situation of the United States. To
one half of their territory, the use of the Mississippi was
indispensable. No efforts could prevent their acquiring it. That they
would acquire it, either by acting separately, or in conjunction with
Great Britain, was one of those inevitable events against which human
wisdom could make no provision. To the serious consideration of the
Spanish government, therefore, were submitted the consequences which
must result to their whole empire in America, either from hostilities
with the United States, or from a seizure of Louisiana by Great
Britain.
The opinion, that in the event of war between Great Britain and Spain,
Louisiana would be invaded from Canada, was not a mere suggestion for
the purpose of aiding the negotiations at Madrid. It was seriously
adopted by the American government; and the attention of the executive
was turned to the measures which it would be proper to take, should
application be made for permission to march a body of troops, through
the unsettled territories of the United States, into the dominions of
Spain; or should the attempt be made to march them, without
permission.
Among the circumstances which contributed to the opinion that, in the
event of war, the arms of Great Britain would be directed against the
settlements of Spain in America, was the continuance of Lord
Dorchester in the government of Canada. This nobleman had intimated a
wish to visit New York on his return to England; but the prospect of a
rupture with Spain had determined him to remain in Canada. Under the
pretext of making his acknowledgments for the readiness with which his
desire to pass through New York had been acceded to, his lordship
despatched Major Beck with, a member of his family, to sound the
American government, and if possible, to ascertain its dispositions
towards the two nations. Alluding to the negotiations which had been
commenced in London, this gentleman endeavoured to assign a
satisfactory cause for the delays which had intervened. It was not
improbable, he said, that these delays, and some other circumstances,
might have impressed Mr. Morris with an idea of backwardness on the
part of the British ministry. His lordship, however, had directed him
to say, that an inference of this sort would not, in his opinion, be
well founded, as he had reason to believe that the British cabinet was
inclined not only towards a friendly intercourse, but towards an
alliance with the United States.
Major Beckwith represented the particular ground of quarrel as one
which ought to interest all commercial nations in favour of the views
of Great Britain; and, from that circumstance, he presumed that,
should a war ensue, the United States would find their interest in
taking part with Britain, rather than with Spain.
After expressing the concern with which Lord Dorchester had heard of
the depredations of the savages on the western frontier of the United
States, he declared that his lordship, so far from countenancing these
depredations, had taken every proper opportunity to impress upon the
Indians a pacific disposition; and that, on his first hearing of the
outrages lately committed, he had sent a messenger to endeavour to
prevent them. Major Beckwith further intimated, that the perpetrators
of the late murders were banditti, composed chiefly of Creeks and
Cherokees, in the Spanish interest, over whom the governor of Canada
possessed no influence.
These communications were laid before the President, and appeared to
him to afford an explanation of the delays experienced by Mr. Morris.
He was persuaded that a disposition existed in the cabinet of London
to retain things in their actual situation, until the intentions of
the American government should be ascertained with respect to the war
supposed to be approaching. If the United States would enter into an
alliance with Great Britain, and would make a common cause with her
against Spain, the way would be smoothed to the attainment of all
their objects: but if America should be disinclined to such a
connexion, and especially, if she should manifest any partiality
towards Spain, no progress would be made in the attempt to adjust the
point of difference between the two nations. Taking this view of the
subject, he directed that the further communications of Mr. Beckwith
should be heard civilly, and that their want of official authenticity
should be hinted delicately, without using any expressions which
might, in the most remote degree, impair the freedom of the United
States, to pursue, without reproach, in the expected war, such a line
of conduct as their interests or honour might dictate.
In the opinion that it would not only be useless but dishonourable
further to press a commercial treaty, or the exchange of ministers,
and that the subject of the western posts ought not again to be moved
on the part of the United States, until they should be in a condition
to speak a decisive language, the powers given to Mr. Morris were
withdrawn. Should the interest of Britain produce a disposition
favourable to an amicable arrangement of differences, and to a liberal
commercial intercourse secured by compact, it was believed that she
would make the requisite advances; until then, or until some other
change of circumstances should require a change of conduct, things
were to remain in their actual situation.
About the time of adopting this resolution, the dispute between
Britain and Spain was adjusted. Finding France unwilling to engage in
his quarrel, his Catholic Majesty, too weak to encounter alone the
force of the British empire, yielded every point in controversy; and
thus were terminated for the present, both the fear of inconveniences,
and the hope of advantages which might result to America from
hostilities between the two powers, whose dominions were in her
neighbourhood, and with each of whom she was already engaged in
controversies not easily to be accommodated.
[Sidenote: The president visits Mount Vernon.]
Incessant application to public business, and the consequent change of
active for sedentary habits, had greatly impaired the constitution of
the President; and, during the last session of congress, he had, for
the second time since entering on the duties of his present station,
been attacked by a severe disease which reduced him to the brink of
the grave. Exercise and a temporary relief from the cares of office
being essential to the restoration of his health, he determined, for
the short interval afforded by the recess of the legislature, to
retire to the tranquil shades of Mount Vernon. After returning from a
visit to Rhode Island,[49] which state not having then adopted the
American constitution, had not been included in his late tour through
New England, he took leave of New York; and hastened to that peaceful
retreat, and those rural employments, his taste for which neither
military glory, nor political power, could ever diminish.
[Footnote 49: Rhode Island had adopted the constitution in
the preceding May, and had thus completed the union.]
After a short indulgence in these favourite scenes, it became
necessary to repair to Philadelphia, in order to meet the national
legislature.
[Sidenote: The president's speech.]
In the speech delivered to congress at the commencement of their third
session, the President expressed much satisfaction at the favourable
prospect of public affairs; and particularly noticed the progress of
public credit, and the productiveness of the revenue.
Adverting to foreign nations,[50] he said, "the disturbed situation of
Europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime
powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace
and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same time
of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these
blessings. It requires also, that we should not overlook the tendency
of a war, and even of preparations for war among the nations most
concerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means,
and thereby at least to enhance the price, of transporting its
valuable productions to their proper market." To the serious
reflection of congress was recommended the prevention of
embarrassments from these contingencies, by such encouragement to
American navigation as would render the commerce and agriculture of
the United States less dependent on foreign bottoms.
[Footnote 50: In a more confidential message to the senate,
all the objects of the negotiation in which Mr. Morris had
been employed were detailed, and the letters of that
gentleman, with the full opinion of the President were
communicated.]
After expressing to the house of representatives his confidence
arising from the sufficiency of the revenues already established, for
the objects to which they were appropriated, he added, "allow me
moreover to hope that it will be a favourite policy with you not
merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but as
far, and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit,
to exonerate it of the principal itself." Many subjects relative to
the interior government were succinctly and briefly mentioned; and the
speech concluded with the following impressive and admonitory
sentiment. "In pursuing the various and weighty business of the
present session, I indulge the fullest persuasion that your
consultations will be marked with wisdom, and animated by the love of
country. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have all the
co-operation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire.
It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if by a successful
administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established
government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our
fellow citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and
confidence."
The addresses of the two houses, in answer to the speech, proved that
the harmony between the executive and legislative departments, with
which the government had gone into operation, had sustained no
essential interruption. But in the short debate which took place on
the occasion, in the house of representatives, a direct disapprobation
of one of the measures of the executive government was, for the first
time, openly expressed.
In the treaty lately concluded with the Creeks, an extensive territory
claimed by Georgia, under treaties, the validity of which was
contested by the Indian chiefs, had been entirely, or in great part,
relinquished. This relinquishment excited serious discontents in that
state; and was censured by General Jackson with considerable warmth,
as an unjustifiable abandonment of the rights and interests of
Georgia. No specific motion, however, was made, and the subject was
permitted to pass away for the present.
Scarcely were the debates on the address concluded, when several
interesting reports were received from the secretary of the treasury,
suggesting such further measures as were deemed necessary for the
establishment of public credit.
It will be recollected that in his original report on this subject,
the secretary had recommended the assumption of the state debts; and
had proposed to enable the treasury to meet the increased demand upon
it, which this measure would occasion, by an augmentation of the
duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee, and by imposing
duties on spirits distilled within the country. The assumption not
having been adopted until late in the session, the discussion on the
revenue which would be required for this portion of the public debt
did not commence, until the house had become impatient for an
adjournment. As much contrariety of opinion was disclosed, and the
subject did not press,[51] it was deferred to the ensuing session; and
an order was made, requiring the secretary of the treasury to prepare
and report such further provision as might, in his opinion, be
necessary for establishing the public credit. In obedience to this
order, several reports had been prepared, the first of which repeated
the recommendation of an additional impost on foreign distilled
spirits, and of a duty on spirits distilled within the United States.
The estimated revenue from these sources was eight hundred and
seventy-seven thousand five hundred dollars, affording a small excess
over the sum which would be required to pay the interest on the
assumed debt. The policy of the measure was discussed in a well
digested and able argument, detailing many motives, in addition to
those assigned in his original report, for preferring the system now
recommended, to accumulated burdens on commerce, or to a direct tax on
lands.
[Footnote 51: The interest on the assumed debt was to
commence with the year 1792.]
A new tax is the certain rallying point for all those who are
unfriendly to the administration, or to the minister by whom it is
proposed. But that recommended by the secretary, contained intrinsic
causes of objection which would necessarily add to the number of its
enemies. All that powerful party in the United States, which attached
itself to the local, rather than to the general government, would
inevitably contemplate any system of internal revenue with jealous
disapprobation. They considered the imposition of a tax by congress on
any domestic manufacture, as the intrusion of a foreign power into
their particular concerns, which excited serious apprehensions for
state importance, and for liberty. In the real or supposed interests
of many individuals was also found a distinct motive for hostility to
the measure. A large portion of the American population, especially
that which had spread itself over the extensive regions of the west,
consuming imported articles to a very inconsiderable amount, was not
much affected by the impost on foreign merchandize. But the duty on
spirits distilled within the United States reached them, and
consequently rendered them hostile to the tax.
{1791}
[Sidenote: Debate on the excise law.]
A bill, which was introduced in pursuance of the report, was opposed
with great vehemence by a majority of the southern and western
members. By some of them it was insisted that no sufficient testimony
had yet been exhibited, that the taxes already imposed would not be
equal to the exigencies of the public. But, admitting the propriety of
additional burdens on the people, it was contended that other sources
of revenue, less exceptionable and less odious than this, might be
explored. The duty was branded with the hateful epithet of an excise,
a species of taxation, it was said, so peculiarly oppressive as to be
abhorred even in England; and which was totally incompatible with the
spirit of liberty. The facility with which it might be extended to
other objects, was urged against its admission into the American
system; and declarations made against it by the congress of 1775, were
quoted in confirmation of the justice with which inherent vices were
ascribed to this mode of collecting taxes. So great was the hostility
manifested against it in some of the states, that the revenue officers
might be endangered from the fury of the people; and, in all, it would
increase a ferment which had been already extensively manifested.
Resolutions of Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, reprobating the
assumption, were referred to as unequivocal evidences of growing
dissatisfaction; and the last mentioned state had even expressed its
decided hostility to any law of excise. The legislature of North
Carolina had rejected with scorn, a proposal for taking an oath to
support the constitution of the United States; had refused to admit
persons sentenced to imprisonment under the laws of the United States
into their jails; and another circumstance was alluded to, but not
explained, which was said to exhibit a temper still more hostile to
the general government than either of those which had been stated.
When required to produce a system in lieu of that which they so much
execrated, the opponents of the bill alternately mentioned an
increased duty on imported articles generally, a particular duty on
molasses, a direct tax, a tax on salaries, pensions, and lawyers; a
duty on newspapers, and a stamp act.
The friends of the bill contended, that the reasons for believing the
existing revenue would be insufficient to meet the engagements of the
United States, were as satisfactory as the nature of the case would
admit, or as ought to be required. The estimates were founded on the
best data which were attainable, and the funds already provided, had
been calculated by the proper officer to pay the interest on that part
of the debt only for which they were pledged. Those estimates were
referred to as documents, from which it would be unsafe to depart.
They were also in possession of official statements, showing the
productiveness of the taxes from the time the revenue bill had been in
operation; and arguments were drawn from these, demonstrating the
danger to which the infant credit of the United States would be
exposed, by relying on the existing funds for the interest on the
assumed debt. It was not probable that the proposed duties would yield
a sum much exceeding that which would be necessary; but should they
fortunately do so, the surplus revenue might be advantageously
employed in extinguishing a part of the principal. They were not, they
said, of opinion, that a public debt was a public blessing, or that it
ought to be perpetuated.