The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)

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Throughout the United States, the party opposed to the constitution
had charged its supporters with a desire to establish a monarchy on
the ruins of republican government; and the constitution itself was
alleged to contain principles which would prove the truth of this
charge. The leaders of that party had, therefore, been ready from the
instant the government came into operation, to discover, in all its
measures, those monarchical tendencies which they had perceived in the
instrument they opposed.

The salaries allowed to public officers, though so low[60] as not to
afford a decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of
government, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to
manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy which were
the characteristics of republics.

[Footnote 60: The salary of the secretary of state, which
was the highest, was three thousand five hundred dollars.]

The levees of the President, and the evening parties of Mrs.
Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institutions, designed
to accustom the American people to the pomp and manners of European
courts. The Vice President too was said to keep up the state and
dignity of a monarch, and to illustrate, by his conduct, the
principles which were inculcated in his political works.

The Indian war they alleged was misconducted, and unnecessarily
prolonged for the purposes of expending the public money, and of
affording a pretext for augmenting the military establishment, and
increasing the revenue.

All this prodigal waste of the money of the people was designed to
keep up the national debt, and the influence it gave the government,
which, united with standing armies, and immense revenues, would enable
their rulers to rivet the chains which they were secretly forging.
Every prediction which had been uttered respecting the anti-republican
principles of the government, was said to be rapidly verifying, and
that which was disbelieved as prophecy, was daily becoming history. If
a remedy for these ills was not found in the increased representation
of the people which would take place at the ensuing elections, they
would become too monstrous to be borne; and when it was recollected
that the division of opinion was marked by a geographical line, there
was reason to fear that the union would be broken into one or more
confederacies.

These irritable symptoms had assumed appearances of increased
malignity during the session of congress which had just terminated;
and, to the President, who firmly believed that the union and the
liberty of the states depended on the preservation of the government,
they were the more unpleasant and the more alarming, because they were
displayed in full force in his cabinet.

[Sidenote: Disagreement between the secretaries of state and
treasury.]

Between the secretaries of the state and treasury departments, a
disagreement existed, which seems to have originated in an early stage
of the administration, and to have acquired a regular accession of
strength from circumstances which were perpetually occurring, until it
grew into open and irreconcileable hostility.

Without tracing this disagreement to those motives, which, in elective
governments especially, often produce enmities between distinguished
personages, neither of whom acknowledges the superiority of the other,
such radical differences of opinion, on points which would essentially
influence the course of the government, were supposed to exist between
the secretaries, as, in a great measure, to account for this
unextinguishable enmity. These differences of opinion were, perhaps,
to be ascribed, in some measure, to a difference in the original
structure of their minds, and, in some measure, to the difference of
the situations in which they had been placed.

Until near the close of the war, Mr. Hamilton had served his country
in the field; and, just before its termination, had passed from the
camp into congress, where he remained for some time after peace had
been established. In the former station, the danger to which the
independence of his country was exposed from the imbecility of the
government was perpetually before his eyes; and, in the latter, his
attention was forcibly directed towards the loss of its reputation,
and the sacrifice of its best interests, which were to be ascribed to
the same cause. Mr. Hamilton, therefore, was the friend of a
government which should possess, in itself, sufficient powers and
resources to maintain the character, and defend the integrity of the
nation. Having long felt and witnessed the mischiefs produced by the
absolute sovereignty of the states, and by the control which they were
enabled and disposed separately to exercise over every measure of
general concern, he was particularly apprehensive of danger from that
quarter; which he, probably, believed was to be the more dreaded,
because the habits and feelings of the American people were calculated
to inspire state, rather than national prepossessions. Under the
influence of these impressions, he is understood to have avowed
opinions in the convention favourable to a system in which the
executive and senate, though elective, were to be rather more
permanent, than they were rendered in that which was actually
proposed. He afterwards supported the constitution, as framed, with
great ability, and contributed essentially to its adoption. But he
still retained, and openly avowed, the opinion, that the greatest
hazards to which it was exposed arose from its weakness, and that
American liberty and happiness had much more to fear from the
encroachments of the great states, than from those of the general
government.

Mr. Jefferson had retired from congress before the depreciation of the
currency had produced an entire dependence of the general on the local
governments; after which he filled the highest offices in the state of
which he was a citizen. About the close of the war he was re-elected
to congress; but, being soon afterwards employed on a mission to the
court of Versailles, where he remained, while the people of France
were taking the first steps of that immense revolution which has
astonished and agitated two quarters of the world. In common with all
his countrymen, he felt a strong interest in favour of the reformers;
and it is not unreasonable to suppose, that while residing at that
court, and associating with those who meditated some of the great
events which have since taken place, his mind might be warmed with the
abuses of the monarchy which were perpetually in his view, and he
might be led to the opinion that liberty could sustain no danger but
from the executive power. Mr. Jefferson, therefore, seems to have
entertained no apprehensions from the debility of the government; no
jealousy of the state sovereignties; and no suspicion of their
encroachments. His fears took a different direction, and all his
precautions were used to check and limit the exercise of the powers
vested in the government of the United States. Neither could he
perceive danger to liberty except from that government, and especially
from the executive department.

He did not feel so sensibly, as those who had continued in the United
States, the necessity of adopting the constitution; and had, at one
time, avowed a wish that it might be rejected by such a number of
states as would secure certain alterations which he thought essential.
His principal objections seem to have been, the want of a bill of
rights, and the re-eligibility of the President. From this opinion,
however, in favour of a partial rejection, he is understood to have
receded, after seeing the plan pursued by the convention of
Massachusetts, and followed by other states; which was to adopt
unconditionally, and to annex a recommendation of the amendments which
were desired.[61]

[Footnote 61: See Mr. Jefferson's correspondence.]

To these causes of division, another was superadded, the influence of
which was soon felt in all the political transactions of the
government.

The war which was terminated in 1783, had left in the bosoms of the
American people, a strong attachment to France, and enmity to Great
Britain. These feelings, in a greater or less degree, were perhaps
universal; and had been prevented from subsiding by circumstances to
which allusions have already been made. They had evinced themselves,
in the state legislatures, by commercial regulations; and were
demonstrated by all those means by which the public sentiment is
usually displayed. They found their way also into the national
councils, where they manifested themselves in the motions respecting
the favours which ought to be shown to nations having commercial
treaties with the United States.

Although affection for France, and jealousy of Britain, were
sentiments common to the people of America, the same unanimity did not
exist respecting the influence which ought to be allowed to those
sentiments, over the political conduct of the nation. While many
favoured such discriminations as might eventually turn the commerce of
the United States into new channels, others maintained that, on this
subject, equality ought to be observed; that trade ought to be guided
by the judgment of individuals, and that no sufficient motives existed
for that sacrifice of general and particular interests, which was
involved in the discriminations proposed;--discriminations which, in
their view, amounted to a tax on American agriculture, and a bounty on
the navigation and manufactures of a favoured foreign nation.

The former opinion was taken up with warmth by the secretary of state;
and the latter was adopted with equal sincerity by the secretary of
the treasury. This contrariety of sentiment respecting commercial
regulations was only a part of a general system. It extended itself to
all the relations which might subsist between America and those two
great powers.

In all popular governments, the press is the most ready channel by
which the opinions and the passions of the few are communicated to the
many; and of the press, the two great parties forming in the United
States, sought to avail themselves. The Gazette of the United States
supported the systems of the treasury department, while other papers
enlisted themselves under the banners of the opposition. Conspicuous
among these, was the National Gazette, a paper edited by a clerk in
the department of state. The avowed purpose for which the secretary
patronized this paper, was to present to the eye of the American
people, European intelligence derived from the Leyden gazette, instead
of English papers; but it soon became the vehicle of calumny against
the funding and banking systems, against the duty on home-made
spirits, which was denominated an excise, and against the men who had
proposed and supported those measures. With perhaps equal asperity,
the papers attached to the party which had defended these systems,
assailed the motives of the leaders of the opposition.

[Sidenote: Letters from Washington on this subject.]

This schism in his cabinet was a subject of extreme mortification to
the President. Entertaining a high respect for the talents, and a real
esteem for the characters, of both gentlemen, he was unwilling to part
with either; and exerted all the influence he possessed to effect a
reconciliation between them. In a letter of the 23d of August,
addressed to the secretary of state, after reviewing the critical
situation of the United States with respect to its external relations,
he thus expressed himself on this delicate subject. "How unfortunate
and how much is it to be regretted then, that, while we are
encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insidious friends,
internal dissensions should be harassing and tearing our vitals. The
last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most
afflicting of the two; and, without more charity for the opinions of
one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion
by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone
the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to
the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not
impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts
of it together: for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the
machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and
another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must
inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect
of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will be
lost, perhaps, for ever.

"My earnest wish and my fondest hope therefore is, that instead of
wounding suspicions, and irritating charges, there may be liberal
allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yielding on all
sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; and
if possible, more prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub;
the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph; and, by
throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the
ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting."

"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any
particular person or character. I have given them in the same general
terms to other officers[62] of the government, because the
disagreements which have arisen from difference of opinions, and the
attacks which have been made upon almost all the measures of
government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time
past filled me with painful sensations, and can not fail, I think, of
producing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad."

[Footnote 62: See note, No. VII. at the end of the volume.]

In a subsequent letter to the same gentleman, in answer to one which
enclosed some documents designed to prove that, though desirous of
amending the constitution, he had favoured its adoption, the President
said--"I did not require the evidence of the extracts which you
enclosed me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution of
the United States, or of your disposition to promote the general
welfare of this country; but I regret, deeply regret, the difference
of opinion which has arisen, and divided you and another principal
officer of the government--and wish devoutly there could be an
accommodation of them by mutual yieldings.

"A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in
our public councils; and the contrary will inevitably produce
confusion and serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind can not
think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end.
For I will frankly and solemnly declare that I believe the views of
both to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide
with respect to the salubrity of the measures which are the subjects
of this dispute.

"Why then, when some of the best citizens of the United States--men of
discernment--uniform and tried patriots--who have no sinister views to
promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to
be found some on one side, and some on the other of the questions
which have caused these agitations--why should either of you be so
tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the
other?

"I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting
subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing
a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched
from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is
no discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and
regard for you both; and ardently wish that some line could be marked
out by which both of you could walk."

These earnest endeavours to sooth the angry passions, and to
conciliate the jarring discords of the cabinet, were unsuccessful. The
hostility which was so much and so sincerely lamented sustained no
diminution, and its consequences became every day more diffusive.

Among the immediate effects of these internal dissensions, was the
encouragement they afforded to a daring and criminal resistance which
was made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty on spirits
distilled within the United States.

To the inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania which lies west of the
Alleghany mountains, this duty was, from local considerations,
peculiarly odious; nor was their hostility to the measure diminished
by any affection for the source in which it originated. The
constitution itself had encountered the most decided opposition from
that part of the state; and that early enmity to the government which
exerted every faculty to prevent its adoption, had sustained no
abatement. Its measures generally, and the whole system of finance
particularly, had been reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many of
the most popular men of that district. With these dispositions, a tax
law, the operation of which was extended to them, could not be
favourably received, however generally it might be supported in other
parts of the union. But when, to this pre-existing temper, were
superadded the motives which arose from perceiving that the measure
was censured on the floor of congress as unnecessary and tyrannical;
that resistance to its execution was treated as probable; that a
powerful and active party, pervading the union, arraigned with extreme
acrimony the whole system of finance as being hostile to liberty; and,
with all the passionate vehemence of conviction, charged its advocates
with designing to subvert the republican institutions of America; we
ought not to be surprised that the awful impressions, which usually
restrain combinations to resist the laws, were lessened; and that the
malcontents were emboldened to hope that those combinations might be
successful.

[Sidenote: Opposition to the excise law.]

Some discontents had been manifested in several parts of the union on
the first introduction of the act; but the prudence and firmness of
the government and its officers had dissipated them; and the law had
been carried into general operation. But in the western district of
Pennsylvania, the resistance wore the appearance of system, and was
regularly progressive. In its commencement, it manifested itself by
the circulation of opinions calculated to increase the odium in which
the duty was held, and by endeavours to defeat its collection by
directing the public resentments against those who were inclined
either to comply with the law, or to accept the offices through which
it was to be executed. These indications of ill temper were succeeded
by neighbourhood meetings, in which resolutions of extreme violence
were adopted, and by acts of outrage against the persons of revenue
officers. At length, in September, 1791, a meeting of delegates from
the malcontent counties was held at Pittsburg, in which resolutions
were adopted breathing the same spirit with those which had previously
been agreed to in county assemblies. Unfortunately, the deputy
marshal, who was entrusted with the process against those who had
committed acts of violence on the persons of revenue officers, was so
intimidated by the turbulent spirit which was generally displayed,
that he returned without performing his duty; and thus added to the
confidence felt by the disaffected in their strength. Appearances were
such as to justify apprehensions, that the judiciary would be found
unable to punish the violators of the laws; and the means of obtaining
aid from the executive had not been furnished by the legislature. This
state of things was the more embarrassing, because the prejudices
which had been widely disseminated, and the misconceptions of the act
which had been extensively diffused, authorized some fears respecting
the support which the law, while yet in the infancy of its operation,
would receive from the people. These considerations, added to that
repugnance which was felt by the government to the employment of harsh
means, induced a forbearance to notice further these riotous
proceedings, until the measure, by being carried into full effect in
other parts of the union, should be better understood; and until
congress should assemble, and modify the system in such a manner as to
remove any real objections to it, the existence of which might be
suggested by experience. Accordingly, in the legislature which
convened in October, 1791, this subject was taken up in pursuance of
the recommendation of the President, and an amendatory act was passed
in May, 1792, in which the whole system was revised, and great pains
were taken to alter such parts of it as could be deemed exceptionable.

This conciliatory measure did not produce the desired effect. No
abatement took place in the violence and outrage with which the
resistance to the law was conducted. To carry it into execution,
officers of inspection were necessary in every county. The
malcontents, for a considerable time, deterred every person from
consenting to permit an office to be held at his house; and when at
length this difficulty was supposed to be overcome, those who had been
prevailed on to accede to the propositions of the supervisor in this
respect, were compelled, by personal violence, and by threats of the
destruction of property, and even of death, to retract the consent
they had given.

A meeting was again convened at Pittsburg, in which, among other very
exceptionable resolutions, committees were established to correspond
with any committees of a similar nature that might be appointed in
other parts of the United States. By this meeting it was declared,
that they would persist in every legal measure to obstruct the
execution of the law, and would consider those who held offices for
the collection of the duty as unworthy of their friendship; that they
would have no intercourse or dealings with them; would withdraw from
them every assistance, and withhold all the comforts of life which
depend upon those duties which, as men and fellow citizens, they owed
to each other; and would, upon all occasions, treat them with
contempt. It was at the same time earnestly recommended to the people
at large to adopt the same line of conduct.

[Sidenote: President's proclamation.]

No man could be more sensible than the President of the dangerous
tendency of these measures, nor more indignant at the outrage thus
offered to the government of the United States. But his prudence, and
his high respect for the laws restrained him within the narrow limits
which the legislature had prescribed. A proclamation[63] was issued
exhorting and admonishing all persons to desist from any combinations
or proceedings whatsoever, tending to obstruct the execution of the
laws, and requiring the interference of the civil magistrate; and
prosecutions against the offenders were directed to be instituted in
every case in which they could be supported.

[Footnote 63: In his letter enclosing the proclamation to
the secretary of the treasury, the President observed, "I
have no doubt but that the proclamation will undergo many
strictures; and, as the effect proposed may not be answered
by it, it will be necessary to look forward in time to
ulterior arrangements. And here, not only the constitution
and laws must strictly govern, but the employment of the
regular troops avoided, if it be possible to effect order
without their aid; yet if no other means will effectually
answer, and the constitution and laws will authorize these,
they must be used as the dernier ressort."]

This proclamation produced no salutary effect. Many of the civil
magistrates were themselves concerned in stimulating the excesses they
were required to suppress; and those who had not embarked in the
criminal enterprise, found themselves totally unable to maintain the
sovereignty of the laws.

With a laudable solicitude to avoid extremities, the government still
sought for means to recall these misguided people to a sense of duty,
without the employment of a military force. To obtain this desirable
object, the following system was digested and pursued:

Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents in those cases in
which it was believed that they could be maintained. The spirits
distilled in the non-complying counties were intercepted on their way
to market, and seized by the officers of the revenue; and the agents
for the army were directed to purchase only those spirits on which the
duty had been paid. By thus acting on the interests of the distillers,
the hope was indulged that they might be induced to comply with the
law. Could they have obeyed their wishes, these measures would have
produced the desired effect; but they were no longer masters of their
own conduct. Impelled by a furious multitude, they found it much more
dangerous to obey the laws than to resist them. The efficacy of this
system too was diminished by a circumstance, which induced the
necessity of a second application to the legislature. The act had not
been extended to the territory north-west of the Ohio, in which great
part of the army lay; and the distillers eluded the vigilance of the
government by introducing their spirits into that territory.

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