The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
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While from causes which were incessant and active in their operation,
some of which seem too strongly fixed in the human mind ever to be
removed, a broad foundation was thus laid for those party struggles
whose fury is generally proportioned to the magnitude of the objects
to be attained, and to the means which may be employed in attaining
them, the external affairs of the United States sustained no material
change.
Of the good understanding which was preserved with France, a fresh
proof had been recently given by the employment of Mr. Ternan, a
person peculiarly acceptable to the American government, to succeed
the Count de Moustiers, as minister plenipotentiary of his Most
Christian Majesty; and in turn, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who was
understood to have rendered himself agreeable to the French
government, was appointed to represent the United States at the court
of Versailles.
In addition to these interchanges of civility, a melancholy occasion
had presented itself for giving much more substantial evidence of the
alacrity with which the American administration would embrace any
proper opportunity of manifesting its disposition to promote the
interests of France.
[Sidenote: Insurrection and massacre in the island of St. Domingo.]
Early and bitter fruits of that malignant philosophy, which,
disregarding the actual state of the world, and estimating at nothing
the miseries of a vast portion of the human race, can coolly and
deliberately pursue, through oceans of blood, abstract systems for the
attainment of some fancied untried good, were gathered in the French
West Indies. Instead of proceeding in the correction of any abuses
which might exist, by those slow and cautious steps which gradually
introduce reform without ruin, which may prepare and fit society for
that better state of things designed for it; and which, by not
attempting impossibilities, may enlarge the circle of happiness, the
revolutionists of France formed the mad and wicked project of
spreading their doctrines of equality among persons, between whom
distinctions and prejudices exist to be subdued only by the grave. The
rage excited by the pursuit of this visionary and baneful theory,
after many threatening symptoms, burst forth on the 23d day of August
1791, with a fury alike destructive and general. In one night, a
preconcerted insurrection of the blacks took place throughout the
colony of St. Domingo; and the white inhabitants of the country, while
sleeping in their beds, were involved in one indiscriminate massacre,
from which neither age nor sex could afford an exemption. Only a few
females, reserved for a fate more cruel than death, were intentionally
spared; and not many were fortunate enough to escape into the
fortified cities. The insurgents then assembled in vast numbers, and a
bloody war commenced between them and the whites inhabiting the towns.
The whole French part of the island was in imminent danger of being
totally lost to the mother country. The minister of his Most Christian
Majesty applied to the executive of the United States for a sum of
money which would enable him to preserve this valuable colony, to be
deducted out of the debt to his sovereign; and the request was granted
in a manner evincing the interest taken by the administration in
whatever might concern France.
On the part of Spain, a desire had been expressed to adjust the
subjects in controversy between the two nations by negotiations to be
carried on at Madrid; and Mr. Carmichael, and Mr. Short, had been
appointed commissioners, with powers equal to the object. In the mean
time, the officers of that nation persisted in measures which were
calculated to embroil the United States with the southern Indians. By
their intrigues with the Creeks, the treaty formed in 1790 with
M'Gillivray, was prevented from being ratified, and the boundary line
then agreed upon was not permitted to be run. The indefinite claim of
territory set up by Spain was alleged to constitute a sufficient
objection to any new line of demarcation, until that claim should be
settled; and her previous treaties and relations with the Creeks were
declared to be infringed by their stipulation, acknowledging
themselves to be under the protection of the United States.
An official diplomatic intercourse had at length been opened with
Great Britain also. Mr. Hammond, the minister plenipotentiary of that
nation to the United States, arrived at Philadelphia in the autumn of
1791; upon which, Mr. Thomas Pinckney, a gentleman of South Carolina,
who was highly and justly respected, had been charged with the
interests of his country at the court of London.[64] Soon after the
arrival of Mr. Hammond, the non-execution of the treaty of peace
became the subject of a correspondence between him and the secretary
of state, in which the complaints of their respective nations were
urged in terms manifesting clearly the sense entertained by each of
the justice of those complaints, without furnishing solid ground for
the hope that they would be immediately removed on either side.
[Footnote 64: In consequence of these nominations of foreign
ministers, a motion was made in the senate on a point which
is of some importance in settling the principles of the
American government. It was contended that the power of that
body over the appointment of a foreign minister gave the
right to inquire into the policy of making any appointment
whatever; and that in exercising this power, they were not
to confine themselves to a consideration of the fitness of
the person nominated, but were to judge of the propriety of
the mission; and were consequently to be informed of the
motives which had decided the President to adopt the
measure. This opinion was overruled by a small majority.]
Mr. Hammond's powers on the subject of a commercial treaty were far
from being satisfactory. To the inquiries of Mr. Jefferson on this
point, he replied, that he was authorized to enter into a negotiation
respecting the commercial intercourse between the two countries, and
to discuss those principles which might serve as a basis for a treaty,
but not to _conclude_ any definitive arrangements. In fact, there was
much reason to believe that the obstacles to a commercial treaty
between the two countries would not be soon or easily surmounted. In
America, such an alteration in the law of nations as would permit the
goods of an enemy to pass freely in the bottom of a neutral, was a
favourite project; and a full participation of the colonial trade was
also most earnestly desired. That the latter of these objects would
not be readily conceded by Great Britain did not admit of a doubt; but
many intelligent men, possessing great political influence, had
embraced the opinion that she could be forced out of that colonial
system which every European power having settlements in America had
adopted, by regulations restricting her navigation and commerce with
the United States. To those who entertained this opinion, no
commercial treaty could be acceptable, which did not contain the
concessions they required.
In addition to a general knowledge of the sentiments of the British
cabinet on these points, particular evidence had lately been received
of its positive decision respecting them. A comprehensive report on
American affairs had been made to the privy council by a committee of
that body, which was laid before the king. A few copies of it had been
printed for the members of the cabinet, which were soon called in by a
sudden order of council; but one of these copies was obtained, and
transmitted to the secretary of state of the United States. This
report manifested a willingness to form a commercial treaty with the
American government on principles of perfect equality, both with
respect to navigation and commerce, so far as regarded the dominions
of his Britannic Majesty in Europe; but it also discovered a
determination, to adhere inflexibly to the existing regulations for
the colonies; and to reject the principle that free bottoms make free
goods.
In this state paper the opinion was advanced, that several important
articles of exportation from the United States, especially tobacco,
had been peculiarly favoured in Great Britain; but that these friendly
regulations were not reciprocated by America. The means of retaliating
injuries which might be inflicted on British commerce were stated, but
those means, it was said, ought not hastily to be adopted, the more
especially, as the existing government of the United States had
discovered dispositions more favourable to a liberal and fair
intercourse between the two countries, than had been manifested by the
respective states. For several reasons it was deemed adviseable not
suddenly to disturb the existing state of things, but to regulate the
trade of the two nations by a treaty, the stipulations of which should
be equal, and mutually beneficial, provided such a treaty could be
formed without a departure from those principles which were considered
as fundamental.
[Sidenote: General Wayne appointed to the command of the army.]
No abatement of hostility having taken place among the north-western
Indians, the preparations for terminating the war by the sword were
earnestly pressed. Major General Wayne was appointed to succeed
General St. Clair, who resigned the command of the army; and the
utmost exertions were made to complete it to the establishment; but
the laws furnished such small inducements to engage in the service,
that the highest military grades, next to that of Commander-in-chief,
were declined by many to whom they were offered; and the recruiting
business advanced too slowly to authorize a hope that the decisive
expedition which was meditated, could be prudently undertaken in the
course of the present year. Meanwhile, the public clamour against the
war continued to be loud and violent. It was vehemently asserted, that
if the intentions of the government respecting the savages were just
and humane, those intentions were unknown to them, and that their
resentments were kept up by the aggressions of whites, and by the
opinion that their expulsion from the country they occupied was the
object of the hostilities carried on against them. However satisfied
the President might be of the fallacy of these opinions, they were too
extensively maintained not to be respected, as far as was compatible
with a due regard to the real interests of the nation. While,
therefore, the preparations for offensive operations were hastened by
a vigorous exertion of the means at the disposal of the executive, it
was thought adviseable to make another effort to terminate the war by
a direct communication of the pacific views of the United States.--The
failure of these attempts was still less to be lamented than the fate
of those who were employed in them. Colonel Harden and Major Trueman,
two brave officers and valuable men, were severally despatched with
propositions of peace, and each was murdered by the savages.
[Sidenote: Meeting of congress.]
[Sidenote: President's speech.]
On the 5th of November congress again convened. In the speech
delivered at the commencement of the session, Indian affairs were
treated at considerable length, and the continuance of the war was
mentioned as a subject of much regret. "The reiterated endeavours," it
was said, "which had been made to effect a pacification, had hitherto
issued in new and outrageous proofs of persevering hostility on the
part of the tribes with whom the United States were in contest.
"A detail of the measures that had been pursued, and of their
consequences, which would be laid before congress, while it would
confirm the want of success thus far, would evince that means as
proper and as efficacious as could have been devised, had been
employed. The issue of some of them was still pending; but a
favourable one, though not to be despaired of, was not promised by any
thing that had yet happened."
That a sanction, commonly respected even among savages, had been found
insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace, was
particularly noticed; and the families of those valuable citizens who
had thus fallen victims to their zeal for the public service, were
recommended to the attention of the legislature.
That unprovoked aggression had been made by the southern Indians, and
that there was just cause for apprehension that the war would extend
to them also, was mentioned as a subject of additional concern.
"Every practicable exertion had been made to be prepared for the
alternative of prosecuting the war, in the event of a failure of
pacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops authorized to be
raised, had been recruited, though the numbers were yet incomplete;
and pains had been taken to discipline them, and put them in a
condition for the particular kind of service to be performed. But a
delay of operations, besides being dictated by the measures that were
pursuing towards a pacific termination of the war, had been in itself
deemed preferable to immature efforts."
The humane system which has since been successfully pursued, of
gradually civilizing the savages by improving their condition, of
diverting them in some degree from hunting to domestic and
agricultural occupations by imparting to them some of the most simple
and useful acquisitions of society, and of conciliating them to the
United States by a beneficial and well regulated commerce, had ever
been a favourite object with the President, and the detailed view
which was now taken of Indian affairs, was concluded with a repetition
of his recommendations of these measures.
The subject next adverted to in the speech, was the impediments which
in some places continued to embarrass the collection of the duties on
spirits distilled within the United States. After observing that these
impediments were lessening in local extent, but that symptoms of such
increased opposition had lately manifested themselves in certain
places as, in his judgment, to render his special interposition
adviseable, the President added,--"Congress may be assured that
nothing within constitutional and legal limits which may depend on me,
shall be wanting to assert and maintain the just authority of the
laws. In fulfilling this trust, I shall count entirely on the full
co-operation of the other departments of government, and upon the
zealous support of all good citizens."
After noticing various objects which would require the attention of
the legislature, the President addressed himself particularly to the
house of representatives, and said, "I entertain a strong hope that
the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured to
enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement for
the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to
the right which has been reserved to the government. No measure can be
more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic
importance, or to the general sentiments and wish of the nation."
The addresses of the two houses in answer to the speech, were, as
usual, respectful and affectionate. The several subjects recommended
to the attention of congress were noticed either in general terms, or
in a manner to indicate a coincidence of sentiment between the
legislative and executive departments. The turbulent spirit which had
manifested itself in certain parts of the union was mentioned by both
houses with a just degree of censure, and the measures adopted by the
President, as well as the resolution he expressed to compel obedience
to the laws, were approved; and the house of representatives, in the
most unqualified terms, declared opinions in favour of systematic and
effectual arrangements for discharging the public debt. But the
subsequent proceedings of the legislature did not fulfil the
expectations excited by this auspicious commencement of the session.
At an early day, in a committee of the whole house on the President's
speech, Mr. Fitzsimmons moved "that measures for the reduction of so
much of the public debt as the United States have a right to redeem,
ought to be adopted: and that the secretary of the treasury be
directed to report a plan for that purpose."
This motion was objected to by Mr. Madison as being premature. The
state of the finances, he thought, was not sufficiently understood to
authorize the adoption of the measure it contemplated. The debate
however soon took a different direction. That part of the resolution
which proposed a reference to the secretary of the treasury was
particularly opposed; and an ardent discussion ensued, in which,
without much essential variation, the arguments which had before been
urged on the same subject were again employed. After a vehement
contest, the motion to amend the resolution by striking out the
proposed reference was overruled, and it was carried in its original
form.
{1793}
In obedience to this order, the secretary made a report, in which he
proposed a plan for the annual redemption of that portion of the debt,
the payment of which was warranted by the contract between the United
States and their creditors. But the expenses of the Indian war
rendering it, in his opinion, unsafe to rest absolutely on the
existing revenue, he proposed to extend the internal taxes to pleasure
horses, or pleasure carriages, as the legislature might deem most
eligible. The consideration of this report was deferred on various
pretexts; and a motion was made to reduce the military establishment.
The debate on this subject was peculiarly earnest; and, in its
progress, the mode of conducting the Indian war, the relative merits
and expensiveness of militia and of regular troops, and the danger to
liberty from standing armies, were elaborately discussed. It was not
until the fourth of January that the motion was rejected. While that
question remained undecided, the report of the secretary was
unavoidably postponed, because, on its determination would depend, in
the opinion of many, the necessity of additional taxes. It would seem
not improbable that the opponents of the American system of finances,
who constituted rather a minority of the present congress, but who
indulged sanguine hopes of becoming the majority in the next, were
desirous of referring every question relating to the treasury
department to the succeeding legislature, in which there would be a
more full representation of the people. Whatever might be the
operating motives for delay, neither the extension of the law imposing
a duty on spirits distilled within the United States to the territory
north-west of the river Ohio, nor the plan for redeeming the public
debt, which was earnestly pressed by the administration, could be
carried through the present congress. Those who claimed the favour and
confidence of the people as a just reward for their general attachment
to liberty, and especially for their watchfulness to prevent every
augmentation of debt, were found in opposition to a system for its
diminution, which was urged by men who were incessantly charged with
entertaining designs for its excessive accumulation, in order to
render it the corrupt instrument of executive influence. It might be
expected that the public attention would be attracted to such a
circumstance. But when party passions are highly inflamed, reason
itself submits to their control, and becomes the instrument of their
will. The assertion that the existing revenues, if not prodigally or
corruptly wasted, were sufficient for the objects contemplated by the
President in his speech, would constitute an ample apology for the
impediments thrown in the way of a system which could not be directly
disapproved, and would justify a continuance of the charge that the
supporters of the fiscal system were friends to the augmentation of
the public debt.
Soon after the motion for the reduction of the military establishment
was disposed of, another subject was introduced, which effectually
postponed, for the present session, every measure connected with the
finances of the nation.
An act of congress, which passed on the fourth of August, 1790,
authorized the President to cause to be borrowed any sum not exceeding
twelve millions of dollars, to be applied in payment of the foreign
debt of the United States.
A subsequent act, which passed on the 12th of the same month,
authorized another loan not exceeding two millions, to be applied, in
aid of the sinking fund, towards the extinguishment of the domestic
debt.
A power to make these loans was delegated by the President to the
secretary of the treasury by a general commission referring to the
acts. This commission was accompanied by written instructions,
directing the payment of such parts of the foreign debt as should
become due at the end of the year 1791; but leaving the secretary,
with respect to the residue, to be regulated by the interests of the
United States.
Under this commission two loans were negotiated in 1790, and others at
subsequent periods.
As many considerations of convenience opposed such an arrangement as
would appropriate all the monies arising from either of these loans to
one object, to the total exclusion of the other; and no motive was
perceived for thus unnecessarily fettering the operations of the
treasury; each loan was negotiated under both laws; and consequently
the monies produced by each were applicable to both objects, in such
proportions as the President might direct. It has been already
observed that his written instructions had ordered the payment of
those instalments of the foreign debt which should become due before
the first of January, 1792; but no further sums on that account were
to be borrowed until supplemental orders to that effect should be
given, unless a loan could be made on such terms as would render it
advantageous to the United States to anticipate the payments to their
foreign creditors. It being the opinion of both the President and
secretary that the official powers of the latter authorized him to
draw the monies borrowed for domestic purposes into the treasury,
where they would form a part of the sinking fund, and be applicable to
the objects of that fund in conformity with the laws of appropriation,
no written instructions were given respecting that part of the
subject; but in the progress of the business, every material step
which was taken was communicated to the President, and his directions
obtained upon it. While the chief magistrate remained at the seat of
government, these communications were verbal; when absent, they were
made by letter.
At this period, the domestic debt bore a low price in the market, and
foreign capital was pouring into the United States for its purchase.
The immediate application of the sinking fund to this object would
consequently acquire a large portion of the debt, and would also
accelerate its appreciation. The best interests of the United States,
and his own fame, thus impelling the secretary to give the operations
of the sinking fund the utmost activity of which it was susceptible,
he had, with the approbation of the President, directed a part of the
first loan to be paid in discharge of the instalments of the foreign
debt which were actually due, and had drawn a part of it into the
public treasury in aid of the sinking fund.
In May, 1791, instructions were given to the agent of the United
States in Europe, to apply the proceeds of future loans, as they
should accrue, in payments to France, except such sums as should be
previously and specially reserved. In the execution of these
instructions, some delay intervened, which was to be ascribed, among
other causes, to representations made by the French minister of marine
that a plan would be adopted, to which a decree of the national
assembly was requisite, for converting a large sum into supplies for
St. Domingo: and to a desire on the part of the agent to settle,
previously to further payments, a definitive rule by which the monies
paid should be liquidated, and credited to the United States. The
disordered state of French affairs protracted both the one and the
other of these causes of delay, to a later period than had been
expected; and, in the mean time, the secretary continued to draw into
the United States such portions of these loans, as were destined to be
brought in aid of the sinking fund. Such was the state of this
transaction, when the commencement of those calamities, which have
finally overwhelmed St. Domingo, induced the American government, on
the urgent application of the French minister, to furnish supplies to
that ill fated colony, in payment of the debt to France. This being a
mode of payment which, to a certain extent, was desired by the
creditor, and was advantageous to the debtor, a consequent disposition
prevailed to use it so far as might comport with the wish of the
French government; and a part of the money designed for foreign
purposes, was drawn into the United States. In the course of these
operations, a portion of the instalments actually due to France, had
been permitted to remain unsatisfied.