The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
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A part of the money borrowed in Europe being thus applicable to the
extinguishment of the domestic debt, and a part of the domestic
revenue being applicable to the payment of interest due on the loans
made in Europe, the secretary of the treasury had appropriated a part
of the money arising from foreign loans to the payment of interest due
abroad, which had been replaced by the application of money in the
treasury arising from domestic resources, to the purchase of the
domestic debt.
The secretary had not deemed it necessary to communicate these
operations in detail to the legislature: but some hints respecting
them having been derived either from certain papers which accompanied
a report made to the house of representatives early in the session, or
from some other source, Mr. Giles, on the 23d of January, moved
several resolutions, requiring information, among other things, on the
various points growing out of these loans, and the application of the
monies arising from them, and respecting the unapplied revenues of the
United States, and the places in which the sums so unapplied were
deposited. In the speech introducing these resolutions, observations
were made which very intelligibly implied charges of a much more
serious nature than inattention to the exact letter of an
appropriation law. Estimates were made to support the position that a
large balance of public money was unaccounted for.
The resolutions were agreed to without debate; and, in a few days, the
secretary transmitted a report containing the information that was
required.
This report comprehended a full exposition of the views and motives
which had regulated the conduct of the department, and a very able
justification of the measures which had been adopted; but omitted to
state explicitly that part of the money borrowed in Europe had been
drawn into the United States with the sanction of the President.--It
is also chargeable with some expressions which can not be pronounced
unexceptionable, but which may find their apology in the feelings of a
mind conscious of its own uprightness, and wounded by the belief that
the proceedings against him had originated in a spirit hostile to fair
inquiry.
These resolutions, the observations which accompanied them, and the
first number of the report, were the signals for a combined attack on
the secretary of the treasury, through the medium of the press. Many
anonymous writers appeared, who assailed the head of that department
with a degree of bitterness indicative of the spirit in which the
inquiry was to be conducted.
[Sidenote: Resolutions implicating the secretary of the treasury
rejected.]
On the 27th of February, not many days after the last number of the
report was received, Mr. Giles moved sundry resolutions which were
founded on the information before the house. The idea of a balance
unaccounted for was necessarily relinquished; but the secretary of the
treasury was charged with neglect of duty in failing to give congress
official information of the monies drawn by him from Europe into the
United States; with violating the law of the 4th of August, 1790, by
applying a portion of the principal borrowed under it to the payment
of interest, and by drawing a part of the same monies into the United
States, without instructions from the President; with deviating from
the instructions of the President in other respects; with negotiating
a loan at the bank, contrary to the public interest, while public
monies to a greater amount than were required, lay unemployed in the
bank; and with an indecorum to the house, in undertaking to judge of
its motives in calling for information which was demandable of him
from the constitution of his office; and in failing to give all the
necessary information within his knowledge relative to subjects on
which certain specified references had been previously made to him.
These resolutions were followed by one, directing that a copy of them
should be transmitted to the President of the United States.
The debate on this subject, which commenced on the 28th of February,
was continued to the 1st of March, and was conducted with a spirit of
acrimony towards the secretary, demonstrating the soreness of the
wounds that had been given and received in the political and party
wars which had been previously waged.[65] It terminated in a rejection
of all the resolutions. The highest number voting in favour of any one
of them was sixteen.
[Footnote 65: See note, No. VIII. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: Congress adjourns.]
On the 3d of March, a constitutional period was put to the existence
of the present congress. The members separated with obvious symptoms
of extreme irritation. Various causes, the most prominent of which
have already been noticed, had combined to organize two distinct
parties in the United States, which were rapidly taking the form of a
ministerial and an opposition party. By that in opposition, the
President was not yet openly renounced. His personal influence was too
great to be encountered by a direct avowal that he was at the head of
their adversaries; and his public conduct did not admit of a suspicion
that he could allow himself to rank as the chief of a party. Nor could
public opinion be seduced to implicate him in the ambitious plans and
dark schemes for the subversion of liberty, which were ascribed to a
part of the administration, and to the leading members who had
supported the measures of finance adopted by the legislature.
Yet it was becoming apparent that things were taking a course which
must inevitably involve him in the political conflicts which were
about to take place. It was apparent that the charges against the
secretary of the treasury would not be relinquished, and that they
were of a nature to affect the chief magistrate materially, should his
countenance not be withdrawn from that officer. It was equally
apparent that the fervour of democracy, which was perpetually
manifesting itself in the papers, in invectives against levees,
against the trappings of royalty, and against the marks of peculiar
respect[66] which were paid to the President, must soon include him
more pointedly in its strictures.
[Footnote 66: On the 22d of February, the birthday of the
President, a motion was made to adjourn for half an hour. It
was perfectly understood that this motion was made to give
the members an opportunity of waiting on the chief
magistrate to make the compliments adapted to the occasion.
This was seriously opposed, and the ayes and noes called
upon the question. The adjournment was carried by forty-one
to eighteen. The day was celebrated by several companies,
and some toasts were published manifesting the deep sense
which was entertained of the exalted services of this
illustrious citizen. These circumstances gave great umbrage
to some of those who could perceive monarchical tendencies
in every act of respect, and the offenders were rebuked in
the National Gazette for setting up an idol who might become
dangerous to liberty, and for the injustice of neglecting
all his compatriots of the revolution, and ascribing to him
the praise which was due to others.]
These divisions, which are inherent in the nature of popular
governments, by which the chief magistrate, however unexceptionable
his conduct, and however exalted his character, must, sooner or later,
be more or less affected, were beginning to be essentially influenced
by the great events of Europe.
[Sidenote: Progress of the French revolution and its effects on
parties in the United States.]
That revolution which has been the admiration, the wonder, and the
terror of the civilized world, had, from its commencement, been viewed
in America with the deepest interest. In its first stage, but one
sentiment respecting it prevailed; and that was a belief, accompanied
with an ardent wish, that it would improve the condition of France,
extend the blessings of liberty, and promote the happiness of the
human race. When the labours of the convention had terminated in a
written constitution, this unanimity of opinion was in some degree
impaired. By a few who had thought deeply on the science of
government, and who, if not more intelligent, certainly judged more
dispassionately than their fellow citizens, that instrument was
believed to contain the principles of self destruction. It was feared
that a system so ill balanced could not be permanent. A deep
impression was made on the same persons by the influence of the
galleries over the legislature, and of mobs over the executive; by the
tumultuous assemblages of the people, and their licentious excesses
during the short and sickly existence of the regal authority. These
did not appear to be the symptoms of a healthy constitution, or of
genuine freedom. Persuaded that the present state of things could not
last, they doubted, and they feared for the future.
In total opposition to this sentiment was that of the public. There
seems to be something infectious in the example of a powerful and
enlightened nation verging towards democracy, which imposes on the
human mind, and leads human reason in fetters. Novelties, introduced
by such a nation, are stripped of the objections which had been
preconceived against them; and long settled opinions yield to the
overwhelming weight of such dazzling authority. It wears the semblance
of being the sense of mankind, breaking loose from the shackles which
had been imposed by artifice, and asserting the freedom, and the
dignity, of his nature.
The constitution of France, therefore, was generally received with
unqualified plaudits. The establishment of a legislature consisting of
a single body, was defended not only as being adapted to the
particular situation of that country, but as being right in itself.
Certain anonymous writers, who supported the theory of a balanced
government, were branded as the advocates of royalty, and of
aristocracy. To question the duration of the present order of things
was thought to evidence an attachment to unlimited monarchy, or a
blind prejudice in favour of British institutions; and the partiality
of America in favour of a senate was visibly declining.
In this stage of the revolution, however, the division of sentiment
was not marked with sufficient distinctness, nor the passions of the
people agitated with sufficient violence, for any powerful effect to
be produced on the two parties in America. But when the monarchy was
completely overthrown, and a republic decreed,[67] the people of the
United States seemed electrified by the measure, and its influence was
felt by the whole society. The war in which the several potentates of
Europe were engaged against France, although in almost every instance
declared by that power, was pronounced to be a war for the extirpation
of human liberty, and for the banishment of free government from the
face of the earth. The preservation of the constitution of the United
States was supposed to depend on its issue; and the coalition against
France was treated as a coalition against America also.
[Footnote 67: This event was announced to the President by
the minister plenipotentiary of France at Philadelphia, in
February, 1793. Through the secretary of state, an answer
was returned, of which the following is an extract, "the
President receives with great satisfaction this attention of
the executive council, and the desire they have manifested
of making known to us the resolution entered into by the
national convention even before a definitive regulation of
their new establishment could take place. Be assured, sir,
that the government and the citizens of the United States,
view with the most sincere pleasure, every advance of your
nation towards its happiness, an object essentially
connected with its liberty, and they consider the union of
principles and pursuits between our two countries as a link
which binds still closer their interests and affections.
"We earnestly wish, on our part, that these our mutual
dispositions may be improved to mutual good, by establishing
our commercial intercourse on principles as friendly to
natural right and freedom as are those of our governments."]
A cordial wish for the success of the French arms, or rather that the
war might terminate without any diminution of French power, and in
such a manner as to leave the people of that country free to choose
their own form of government, was, perhaps, universal; but, respecting
the probable issue of their internal conflicts, perfect unanimity of
opinion did not prevail. By some few individuals, the practicability
of governing by a system formed on the republican model, an immense,
populous, and military nation, whose institutions, habits, and morals,
were adapted to monarchy, and which was surrounded by armed
neighbours, was deemed a problem which time alone could solve. The
circumstances under which the abolition of royalty was declared, the
massacres which preceded it, the scenes of turbulence and violence
which were acted in every part of the nation, appeared to them, to
present an awful and doubtful state of things, respecting which no
certain calculations could be made; and the idea that a republic was
to be introduced and supported by force, was, to them, a paradox in
politics. Under the influence of these appearances, the apprehension
was entertained that, if the ancient monarchy should not be restored,
a military despotism would be established. By the many, these
unpopular doubts were deemed unpardonable heresies; and the few to
whom they were imputed, were pronounced hostile to liberty. A
suspicion that the unsettled state of things in France had contributed
to suspend the payment of the debt to that nation, had added to the
asperity with which the resolutions on that subject were supported;
and the French revolution will be found to have had great influence on
the strength of parties, and on the subsequent political transactions
of the United States.
NOTES.
NOTE--No. I. _See Page 98._
The following is an extract from the orders of the preceding day. "The
Commander-in-chief orders the cessation of hostilities between the
United States of America and the king of Great Britain to be publicly
proclaimed to-morrow at twelve at the new building; and that the
proclamation which will be communicated herewith, be read to-morrow
evening at the head of every regiment, and corps of the army; after
which the chaplains with the several brigades will render thanks to
Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling the
wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease
among the nations.
"Although the proclamation before alluded to, extends only to the
prohibition of hostilities and not to the annunciation of a general
peace, yet it must afford the most rational and sincere satisfaction
to every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to a long and doubtful
contest, stops the effusion of human blood, opens the prospect to a
more splendid scene, and like another morning star, promises the
approach of a brighter day than hath hitherto illuminated the western
hemisphere. On such a happy day, which is the harbinger of peace, a
day which completes the eighth year of the war, it would be
ingratitude not to rejoice; it would be insensibility not to
participate in the general felicity.
"The Commander-in-chief, far from endeavouring to stifle the feelings
of joy in his own bosom, offers his most cordial congratulations on
the occasion to all the officers of every denomination, to all the
troops of the United States in general, and in particular to those
gallant and persevering men, who had resolved to defend the rights of
their invaded country, so long as the war should continue. For these
are the men who ought to be considered as the pride and boast of the
American Army; and who, crowned with well-earned laurels, may soon
withdraw from the field of glory, to the more tranquil walks of civil
life.
"While the general recollects the almost infinite variety of scenes
through which we have passed with a mixture of pleasure, astonishment
and gratitude; while he contemplates the prospect before us with
rapture, he can not help wishing that all the brave men (of whatever
condition they may be,) who have shared in the toils and dangers of
effecting this glorious revolution, of rescuing millions from the hand
of oppression, and of laying the foundation of a great empire, might
be impressed with a proper idea of the dignified part they have been
called to act (under the smiles of Providence) on the stage of human
affairs. For happy, thrice happy shall they be pronounced hereafter,
who have contributed any thing; who have performed the meanest office
in erecting this stupendous _fabric of freedom_ and empire on the
broad basis of independency; who have assisted in protecting the
rights of human nature, and establishing an asylum for the poor and
oppressed of all nations and religions. The glorious task for which we
first flew to arms being thus accomplished, the liberties of our
country being fully acknowledged and firmly secured by the smiles of
heaven, on the purity of our cause, and on the honest exertions of a
feeble people determined to be free, against a powerful nation
disposed to oppress them, and the character of those who have
persevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger,
being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of the _patriot
army_, nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to
preserve a perfect unvarying consistency of character through the very
last act; to close the drama with applause, and to retire from the
military theatre with the same approbation of angels and men which has
crowned all their former virtuous actions. For this purpose, no
disorder or licentiousness must be tolerated: every considerate and
well disposed soldier must remember, it will be absolutely necessary
to wait with patience until peace shall be declared, or congress shall
be enabled to take proper measures for the security of the public
stores, &c. As soon as these arrangements shall be made, the general
is confident there will be no delay in discharging with every mark of
distinction and honour all the men enlisted for the war who will then
have faithfully performed their engagements with the public. The
general has already interested himself in their behalf, and he thinks
he need not repeat the assurances of his disposition to be useful to
them on the present and every other proper occasion. In the mean time,
he is determined that no military neglects or excesses shall go
unpunished while he retains the command of the army."
* * * * *
NOTE--No. II. _See Page 106._
On his way, he stopped a few days at Philadelphia, for the purpose of
settling his accounts with the comptroller. The following account of
this part of his duty is extracted from Mr. Gordon; "while in the city
he delivered in his accounts to the comptroller, down to December the
13th, all in his own hand writing, and every entry made in the most
particular manner, stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give
the least trouble in examining and comparing them with the vouchers
with which they were attended.
"The heads as follows, copied from the folio manuscript paper book in
the file of the treasury office, number 3700, being a black box of tin
containing, under lock and key, both that and the vouchers."
Total of expenditures from 1775 to 1783,
exclusive of provisions from commissaries
and contractors, and of liquors, &c. from
them and others, 3,387 14 4
Secret intelligence and service, 1,982 10 0
Spent in reconnoitring and travelling, 1,874 8 0
Miscellaneous charges, 2,952 10 1
Expended besides, dollars according to the
scale of depreciation, 6,114 14 0
-------------------
_l._ 16,311 17 1
-------------------
"Two hundred guineas advanced to General M'Dougal are not included in
the _l._ 1982 10 0 not being yet settled, but included in some of the
other charges, and so reckoned in the general sum.
"Note; 104,364, of the dollars were received after March, 1780, and
although credited at forty for one, many did not fetch at the rate of
a hundred for one; while 27,775 of them are returned without deducting
any thing from the above account (and, therefore, actually made a
present of to the public)."
General Washington's account from
June, 1778 to the end of June, 1783, 16,311 17 1
Expenditure from July 1, 1783, to December 13, 1,717 5 4
Added afterward from thence to December 28, 213 8 4
Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses in
coming to the general and returning, 1,064 1 0
--------------
_l._ 19,306 11 9
--------------
Lawful money of Virginia, the same as
Massachusetts, or sterling, _l._ 14,479 18 9 3-4
The general entered in his book--"I find upon the final adjustment of
these accounts, that I am a considerable loser, my disbursements
falling a good deal short of my receipts, and the money I had upon
hand of my own: for besides the sums I carried with me to Cambridge in
1775, I received monies afterwards on private account in 1777, and
since, which (except small sums, that I had occasion now and then to
apply to private uses) were all expended in the public service:
through hurry, I suppose, and the perplexity of business, (for I know
not how else to account for the deficiency) I have omitted to charge
the same, whilst every debit against me is here credited."
July 1st, 1783.
* * * * *
NOTE--No. III. _See Page 179._
The year 1784 had nearly passed away before the determination of the
British cabinet not to evacuate the western posts was known to the
government of the United States. In the spring of that year, General
Knox, who commanded the troops still retained in the service of the
United States, was directed to "open a correspondence with the
Commander-in-chief of his Britannic majesty's forces in Canada, in
order to ascertain the precise time when each of the posts within the
territories of the United States then occupied by the British troops
should be delivered up." The measures produced by this resolution
exhibit a curious specimen of the political opinions on the subject of
federal powers, which then prevailed in congress.
It being at that time believed that the British garrisons would
certainly be withdrawn, it became necessary to provide for occupying
the posts when surrendered, with troops belonging to the United
States. A number deemed sufficient for the purpose not having been
retained in service, a motion was made for raising seven hundred men,
by requisitions on the states for that and other objects specified in
the resolution. The power of congress to make these requisitions was
seriously contested, and it was gravely urged that such a power,
connected with the rights to borrow money, and to emit bills of
credit, would be dangerous to liberty, and alarming to the states. The
motion for raising this small number of regulars did not prevail; and
an order was made that except twenty-five privates to guard the stores
at fort Pitt, and fifty-five to guard those at West Point and other
magazines, with a proportionable number of officers, no one to exceed
the rank of captain, the troops already in service should be
discharged, unless congress, before its recess, should dispose of them
in some other manner. For the purpose of garrisoning the posts, seven
hundred militia were required from Connecticut, New York, New Jersey
and Pennsylvania, who should serve twelve months. While the
discussions on this subject were pending, instructions from the
legislature of New York to their delegates were laid before congress,
requesting that body in terms of great strength, in pursuance of the
confederation, to declare the number of troops of which the garrisons
of those posts which were within the limits of that state should
consist. The resolutions asserted a constitutional right to demand
from congress a declaration upon this point, and avowed a
determination to raise the troops should such declaration be withheld.
After the determination of the British government not to surrender the
posts was known, the militia ordered to be raised to garrison them,
who were not in actual service, were discharged.