The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
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He had through the Chevalier de la Luzerne obtained permission from
his most Christian Majesty to draw for half a million of livres
monthly, until six millions should be received. To prevent the
diversion of any part of this sum from the most essential objects, he
had concealed the negotiation even from congress, and had communicated
it only to the Commander-in-chief; yet, after receiving the first
instalment, it was discovered that Doctor Franklin had anticipated the
residue of the loan, and had appropriated it to the purposes of the
United States. At the commencement of the year 1782, not a dollar
remained in the treasury; and, although congress had required the
payment of two millions on the 1st of April, not a cent had been
received on the twenty-third of that month; and, so late as the 1st of
June, not more than twenty thousand dollars had reached the treasury.
Yet to the financier every eye was turned; to him the empty hand of
every public creditor was stretched forth; and against him, instead of
the state governments, the complaints and imprecations of every
unsatisfied claimant were directed. In July, when the second quarter
annual payment of taxes ought to have been received, the minister of
finance was informed by some of his agents, that the collection of the
revenue had been postponed in some of the states, in consequence of
which the month of December would arrive before any money could come
into the hands of the continental receivers. In a letter communicating
this unpleasant intelligence to the Commander-in-chief, he added,
"with such gloomy prospects as this letter affords, I am tied here to
be baited by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture of
all that is valuable in life, and which I hoped at this moment to
enjoy, I am to be paid by invective. Scarce a day passes in which I am
not tempted to give back into the hands of congress the power they
have delegated, and to lay down a burden which presses me to the
earth. Nothing prevents me but a knowledge of the difficulties I am
obliged to struggle under. What may be the success of my efforts God
only knows; but to leave my post at present, would, I know, be
ruinous. This candid state of my situation and feelings I give to your
bosom, because you who have already felt and suffered so much, will be
able to sympathize with me."
[Illustration: Livingston Manor, Dobbs Ferry, New York
_A monument erected by the Sons of the Revolution on the lawn of this
historic mansion, overlooking the Hudson River, states that here, on
July 6, 1781, the French allies under Rochambeau joined the American
Army. Here also, on August 14, 1781, Washington planned the Yorktown
campaign which brought to a triumphant end the War for American
Independence; and here, on May 6, 1783, Washington and Sir Guy
Carleton arranged for the evacuation of American soil by the British.
A concluding paragraph reads: "And opposite this point, May 8, 1783, a
British sloop of war fired 17 guns in honor of the American
Commander-in-Chief, the first salute by Great Britain to the United
States of America."_]
Fortunately for the United States, the temper of the British nation on
the subject of continuing the war did not accord with that of its
sovereign. That war, into which the people had entered with at least
as much eagerness as the minister, had become almost universally
unpopular.
{February 27.}
{March 4.}
Motions against the measures of administration respecting America were
repeated by the opposition; and, on every experiment, the strength of
the minority increased. At length, on the 27th of February, General
Conway moved in the house of commons, "that it is the opinion of this
house that a farther prosecution of offensive war against America
would, under present circumstances, be the means of weakening the
efforts of this country against her European enemies, and tend to
increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of Great
Britain and America." The whole force of administration was exerted to
get rid of this resolution, but was exerted in vain; and it was
carried. An address to the king, in the words of the resolution, was
immediately voted, and was presented by the whole house. The answer of
the crown being deemed inexplicit, it was on the 4th of March
resolved, "that the house will consider as enemies to his majesty and
the country, all those who should advise, or attempt a farther
prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America."
These votes were soon followed by a change of ministers, and by
instructions to the officers commanding the forces in America, which
conformed to them.
While General Washington was employed in addressing circular letters
to the state governments, suggesting all those motives which might
stimulate them to exertions better proportioned to the exigency,
English papers containing the debates in parliament on the various
propositions respecting America, reached the United States. Alarmed at
the impression these debates might make, he introduced the opinions it
was deemed prudent to inculcate respecting them, into the letters he
was then about to transmit to the governors of the several states. "I
have perused these debates," he said, "with great attention and care,
with a view, if possible, to penetrate their real design; and upon the
most mature deliberation I can bestow, I am obliged to declare it as
my candid opinion, that the measure, in all its views, so far as it
respects America, is merely delusory, having no serious intention to
admit our independence upon its true principles, but is calculated to
produce a change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people,
and reconcile them to a continuance of the war, while it is meant to
amuse this country with a false idea of peace, to draw us from our
connexion with France, and to lull us into a state of security and
inactivity, which taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute
the war in other parts of the world with greater vigour and effect.
Your excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe, that, even
if the nation and parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace
with America, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with
great caution and circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms
firm in our hands, and instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions,
rather to spring forward with redoubled vigour, that we may take the
advantage of every favourable opportunity, until our wishes are fully
obtained. No nation yet suffered in treaty by preparing (even in the
moment of negotiation) most vigorously for the field.
"The industry which the enemy is using to propagate their pacific
reports, appears to me a circumstance very suspicious; and the
eagerness with which the people, as I am informed, are catching at
them, is, in my opinion, equally dangerous."
{May.}
[Sidenote: Conciliatory conduct of General Carleton.]
Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry Clinton in
the command of all the British forces in the United States, arrived at
New York. Having been also appointed in conjunction with Admiral
Digby, a commissioner to negotiate a peace, he lost no time in
conveying to General Washington copies of the votes of the British
Parliament, and of a bill which had been introduced on the part of
administration, authorizing his Majesty to conclude a peace or truce
with those who were still denominated "the revolted colonies of North
America." These papers, he said, would manifest the dispositions
prevailing with the government and people of England towards those of
America; and, if the like pacific temper should prevail in this
country, both inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with the
most zealous concurrence. He had addressed to congress, he said, a
letter containing the same communications, and he solicited a passport
for the person who should convey it.
At this time, the bill enabling the British monarch to conclude a
peace or truce with America had not become a law; nor was any
assurance given that the present commissioners were empowered to offer
other terms than those which had been formerly rejected. General
Carleton therefore could not hope that negotiations would commence on
such a basis; nor be disappointed at the refusal of the passports he
requested by congress, to whom the application was, of course,
referred. The letter may have been written for the general purpose of
conciliation, and of producing a disposition in the United States on
the subject of hostilities, corresponding with that which had been
expressed in the House of Commons. But the situation of the United
States justified a suspicion of different motives; and prudence
required that their conduct should be influenced by that suspicion.
The repugnance of the king to a dismemberment of the empire was
understood; and it was thought probable that the sentiments expressed
in the House of Commons might be attributable rather to a desire of
changing ministers, than to any fixed determination to relinquish the
design of reannexing America to the crown.
Under these impressions, the overtures now made were considered as
opiates, administered to lull the spirit of vigilance which the
guardians of the public safety laboured to keep up, into a state of
fatal repose; and to prevent those measures of security which it might
yet be necessary to adopt.
This jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence received from
Europe. The utmost address of the British cabinet had been employed to
detach the belligerents from each other. The mediation of Russia had
been accepted to procure a separate peace with Holland; propositions
had been submitted both to France and Spain, tending to an
accommodation of differences with each of those powers singly; and
inquiries had been made of Mr. Adams, the American minister at the
Hague, which seemed to contemplate the same object with regard to the
United States. These political manoeuvres furnished additional motives
for doubting the sincerity of the English cabinet. Whatever views
might actuate the court of St. James on this subject, the resolution
of the American government to make no separate treaty was
unalterable.[11]
[Footnote 11: Secret Journals of Congress, v. 2, pp. 412,
418, 454.]
But the public votes which have been stated, and probably his private
instructions, restrained Sir Guy Carleton from offensive war; and the
state of the American army disabled General Washington from making any
attempt on the posts in possession of the British. The campaign of
1782 consequently passed away without furnishing any military
operations of moment between the armies under the immediate direction
of the respective commanders-in-chief.
{August.}
[Sidenote: Negotiations for peace.]
Early in August a letter was received by General Washington from Sir
Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, which, among other communications
manifesting a pacific disposition on the part of England, contained
the information that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, invested with full
powers to treat with all the parties at war, that negotiations for a
general peace were already commenced, and that his Majesty had
commanded his minister to direct Mr. Grenville, that the independence
of the thirteen provinces should be proposed by him in the first
instance, instead of being made a condition of a general treaty. But
that this proposition would be made in the confidence that the
loyalists would be restored to their possessions, or a full
compensation made them for whatever confiscations might have taken
place.
This letter was, not long afterwards, followed by one from Sir Guy
Carleton, declaring that he could discern no further object of
contest, and that he disapproved of all farther hostilities by sea or
land, which could only multiply the miseries of individuals, without a
possible advantage to either nation. In pursuance of this opinion, he
had, soon after his arrival in New York, restrained the practice of
detaching parties of Indians against the frontiers of the United
States, and had recalled those which were previously engaged in those
bloody incursions.
These communications appear to have alarmed the jealousy of the
minister of France. To quiet his fears, congress renewed the
resolution "to enter into no discussion of any overtures for
pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most Christian
Majesty;"[12] and again recommend to the several states to adopt such
measures as would most effectually guard against all intercourse with
any subjects of the British crown during the war.
[Footnote 12: Secret Journals of Congress, v. 3, p. 249.]
The same causes which produced this inactivity in the north, operated
to a considerable extent with the armies of the south.
When General Wayne entered Georgia, the British troops in that state
retired to the town of Savannah; and the Americans advanced to
Ebenezer. Though inferior to their enemy in numbers, they interrupted
his communications with the country, and even burned some magazines
which had been collected and deposited under the protection of his
guns.
Not receiving the aids from the militia which he had expected, Wayne
pressed Greene for reinforcements, which that officer was unable to
furnish, until Lieutenant Colonel Posey arrived from Virginia with
about two hundred men. He proceeded immediately to Georgia, and
reached the camp at Ebenezer on the 1st of April.
These troops, though new levies, were veteran soldiers, who, having
served the times for which they enlisted, had become the substitutes
of men who were designated, by lot, for tours of duty they were
unwilling to perform. Being commanded by old officers of approved
courage and experience, the utmost confidence was to be placed in
them; and Wayne, though still inferior to his enemy in numbers, sought
for opportunities to employ them.
The Indians, who occupied the southern and western parts of Georgia,
were in the habit of assembling annually at Augusta, for the purpose
of receiving those presents which were indispensable to the
preservation of British influence over them. The usual time for
holding these meetings was arrived; but the Americans being in
possession of Augusta, it was necessary to transfer them to a British
post, and the Indians were invited to keep down the south side of the
Altamaha to its mouth, whence they were to be conveyed through the
inland passage to Savannah. Arrangements had been made for bringing a
strong party of Creeks and Choctaws, assembled on the south side of
Altamaha, to Harris's bridge, on the Ogechee, about seven miles from
that town, and Colonel Brown marched at the head of a strong
detachment to convoy them into it. The Indians having quarrelled,
instead of proceeding to Ogechee, returned home, and Brown marched
back his detachment.
Wayne received intelligence of this movement; and, determining to
avail himself of the opportunity given by this division of his enemy
to fight him in detail, immediately put his army in motion. He was
soon informed that Brown was on his return, and would reach Savannah
that night. Disregarding the danger of throwing himself with inferior
numbers between the two divisions of the British army, he determined
on hazarding an action, and his advance, consisting of a troop of
Virginia cavalry, commanded by Captain Hughes and Lieutenant Boyer,
and a light company of Virginia infantry, commanded by Captain Parker,
entered the road along which Brown was marching about twelve at night,
just as his front appeared in view. A vigorous charge was instantly
made, which, being entirely unexpected, was completely successful. The
British, struck with a panic, dispersed among the thickets and fled in
all directions. Colonel Douglass and about forty men were killed,
wounded, or taken. The American loss was five men killed and two
wounded. The next day, after parading in view of Savannah, Wayne
resumed his position at Ebenezer.
The resolution of Parliament against the farther prosecution of active
war in America was followed by instructions to the officers commanding
the armies of Britain, in consequence of which propositions for the
suspension of hostilities were made in the southern department, about
the time that they were rejected in the north. The same motives
continuing to influence congress, they were rejected in the south
also, and the armies still continued to watch each other with
vigilance. To avoid surprise, Wayne frequently changed his ground, and
was continually on the alert. While his whole attention was directed
towards Savannah, an enemy entirely unlooked for came upon his rear,
entered his camp in the night, and, had not his army been composed of
the best materials, must have dispersed it.
A strong party of Creeks, led by a gallant warrior, Emistasigo, or
Guristersego, instead of moving down on the south side of the
Altamaha, passed through the centre of Georgia with the determination
of engaging the American posts. Marching entirely in the night,
through unfrequented ways, subsisting on meal made of parched corn,
and guided by white men, they reached the neighbourhood of the
American army then encamped at Gibbon's plantation, near Savannah,
without being perceived, and made arrangements to attack it. In the
night they emerged from the deep swamp in which they had been
concealed, and, approaching the rear of the American camp with the
utmost secrecy, reached it about three in the morning. The sentinel
was killed before he could sound the alarm, and the first notice was
given by the fire and the yell of the enemy. The Indians rushed into
the camp, and, killing the few men they fell in with, seized the
artillery. Fortunately some time was wasted in the attempt to turn the
pieces on the Americans. Captain Parker, who commanded the light
company, had been employed on a very fatiguing tour of duty near
Savannah, and had returned that evening to camp. To allow his harassed
soldiers some repose, he was placed in the rear near the artillery,
and was asleep when the Indians entered the camp. Roused by the fire,
and perceiving that the enemy was amidst them, he judiciously drew off
his men in silence, and formed them with the quarter guard behind the
house in which the general was quartered. Wayne was instantly on
horseback, and, believing the whole garrison from Savannah to be upon
him, determined to repulse the enemy or die in the attempt. Parker was
directed to charge immediately with the bayonet, and orders were
despatched to Posey, the commanding officer in camp, to bring up the
troops without delay. The orders to Parker were so promptly executed,
that Posey, although he moved with the utmost celerity, could not
reach the scene of action in time to join in it. The light troops and
quarter guard under Parker drove every thing before them at the point
of the bayonet. The Indians, unable to resist the bayonet, soon fled,
leaving their chief, his white guides, and seventeen of his warriors
dead upon the spot. Wayne, who accompanied his light troops, now first
discovered the character of his enemy, and adapted his pursuit to it.
Yet only twelve prisoners were made. The general's horse was shot
under him, and twelve privates were killed and wounded.[13]
[Footnote 13: In addition to the public documents and
accounts, the author received a statement of this action in
a letter from his friend Captain Parker.]
This sharp conflict terminated the war in Georgia. Information was
soon given of the determination to withdraw the British troops from
Savannah; and arrangements being made, with the sanction of the civil
government, for the security of such individuals as might remain in
town, the place was evacuated. The regular troops retired to
Charleston, and Colonel Brown conducted his loyalists through the
islands into Florida. Wayne was directed to rejoin General Greene.
In South Carolina the American army maintained its position in front
of Jacksonborough, and that of the British was confined to Charleston
and its immediate vicinity. The situation of the ground as well as the
condition of his army, was unfavourable to offensive operations on the
part of General Greene; and General Leslie, who commanded in
Charleston, was not strong enough to attempt the recovery of the lower
country. While the two armies continued to watch each other,
occasional enterprises were undertaken by detachments, in some of
which a considerable degree of merit was displayed. In one of them,
the corps of Marion, its general being attending in the legislature,
was surprised and dispersed by the British Colonel Thompson; and in
another, an English guard galley, mounting twelve guns, and manned
with forty-three seamen, was captured by Captain Rudolph, of the
legion.
From the possession of the lower country of South Carolina, which was
known to contain considerable quantities of rice and beef cattle, the
army had anticipated more regular and more abundant supplies of food
than it had been accustomed to receive. This hope was disappointed by
the measures of the government.
The generals, and other agents acting under the authority of congress,
had been accustomed in extreme cases, which too frequently occurred,
to seize provisions for the use of the armies. This questionable power
had been exercised with forbearance, most commonly in concert with the
government of the state, and under the pressure of such obvious
necessity as carried its justification with it.
The war being transferred to the south at a time when the depreciation
of paper money had deprived congress of its only fund, it became
indispensably necessary to resort more generally to coercive means in
order to procure subsistence for the troops. Popular discontent was
the natural consequence of this odious measure, and the feelings of
the people were communicated to their representatives. After the
termination of the very active campaign of 1781 in Virginia, the
legislature of that state passed a law prohibiting all impressment,
"unless it be by warrant from the executive in time of actual
invasion;" and the assembly of South Carolina, during the session at
Jacksonborough, also passed a law forbidding impressment, and
enacting, "that no other persons than those who shall be appointed by
the governor for that purpose, shall be allowed or permitted to
procure supplies for the army."
The effect of this measure was soon felt. The exertions of the agent
appointed by the governor failed to procure subsistence for the
troops, and General Greene, after a long course of suffering, was
compelled to relieve his urgent wants by an occasional recurrence to
means forbidden by the law.
Privations, which had been borne without a murmur under the excitement
of active military operations, produced great irritation during the
leisure which prevailed after the enemy had abandoned the open field;
and, in the Pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly of
foreigners, the discontent was aggravated to such a point as to
produce a treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which a plot is
understood to have been laid for seizing General Greene and delivering
him to a detachment of British troops, which would move out of
Charleston for the purpose of favouring the execution of the design.
It was discovered when it is supposed to have been on the point of
execution; and a sergeant Gornell, believed to be the chief of the
conspiracy, was condemned to death by a court martial, and executed on
the 22nd of April. Some others, among whom were two domestics in the
general's family, were brought before the court on suspicion of being
concerned in the plot, but the testimony was not sufficient to convict
them; and twelve deserted the night after it was discovered. There is
no reason to believe that the actual guilt of this transaction
extended farther.
{July 11.}
Charleston was held until the 14th of December. Previous to its
evacuation, General Leslie had proposed a cessation of hostilities,
and that his troops might be supplied with fresh provisions, in
exchange for articles of the last necessity in the American camp. The
policy of government being adverse to this proposition, General Greene
was under the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and the British
general continued to supply his wants by force. This produced several
skirmishes with foraging parties, to one of which importance was given
by the death of Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, whose loss was universally
lamented.
This gallant and accomplished young gentleman had entered into the
family of the Commander-in-chief at an early period of the war, and
had always shared a large portion of his esteem. Brave to excess, he
sought every occasion to render service to his country, and to acquire
that military fame which he pursued with the ardour of a young
soldier, whose courage seems to have partaken largely of that romantic
spirit which youth and enthusiasm produce in a fearless mind. No small
addition to the regrets occasioned by his loss was derived from the
reflection that he fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, in
the last moments of the war, when his rash exposure to the danger
which proved fatal to him could no longer be useful to his country.