The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
J >> John Marshall >> The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30
"Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to
you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty
meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last, and not
because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity
consistent with your own honour, and the dignity of the army, to make
known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to
you, that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of
it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was
among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I
have never left your side one moment but when called from you on
public duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your
distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your
merits; as I have ever considered my own military reputation as
inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever
expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, and my indignation
has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it; it
can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage of the war, that I am
indifferent to its interests. But how are they to be promoted? The way
is plain, says the anonymous addresser.--If war continues, remove into
the unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and leave an
ungrateful country to defend itself! But who are they to defend? Our
wives, our children, our farms and other property which we leave
behind us? Or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the
two first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wilderness
with hunger, cold, and nakedness?
"'If peace takes place, never sheath your swords,' says he, 'until you
have obtained full and ample justice.' This dreadful alternative of
either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or
turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless
Congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so
shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! what can
this writer have in view by recommending such measures. Can he be a
friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is he
not an insidious foe: some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting
the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation
between the civil and military powers of the continent? And what a
compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends
measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their nature? But
here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be as
imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be
insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them. A
moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the
physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution.
There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this
address to you, of an anonymous production,--but the manner in which
that performance has been introduced to the army, together with some
other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the
tendency of that writing.
"With respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man
who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn
it, as every man who regards that liberty, and reveres that justice
for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for if men are to be precluded
from offering their sentiments on a matter which may involve the most
serious and alarming consequences that can invite the consideration of
mankind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech may be taken
away, and dumb and silent, we may be led like sheep to the slaughter.
I can not in justice to my own belief, and what I have great reason to
conceive is the intention of congress, conclude this address, without
giving it as my decided opinion, that that honourable body entertain
exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and, from a full
conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete justice.
That their endeavours to discover and establish funds for this purpose
have been unwearied, and will not cease until they have succeeded, I
have not a doubt.
"But, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of
different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. Why
then should we distrust them? And, in consequence of that distrust,
adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been
so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is
celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? And
for what is this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No: most
certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. For
myself, (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to
it from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice, and a grateful
sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me,) a recollection of
the cheerful assistance, and prompt obedience I have experienced from
you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I
feel for an army I have so long had the honour to command, will oblige
me to declare in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment
of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the
gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with
the great duty I owe my country, and those powers we are bound to
respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my
abilities.
"While I give these assurances, and pledge myself in the most
unequivocal manner to exert whatever abilities I am possessed of in
your favour, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take
any measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen
the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me
request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a
full confidence in the purity of the intentions of congress;--that,
previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your
accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which
were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most
effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for
your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the
name of our common country, as you value your own honour, as you
respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and
national character of America, to express your utmost horror and
detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to
overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to
open the flood gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in
blood.
"By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and
direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the
insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from
open force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguished
proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to
the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will by the
dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when
speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, had
this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of
perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining."
These sentiments from a person whom the army had been accustomed to
love, to revere, and to obey; the solidity of whose judgment, and the
sincerity of whose zeal for their interests, were alike unquestioned,
could not fail to be irresistible. No person was hardy enough to
oppose the advice he had given; and the general impression was
apparent. A resolution moved by General Knox, and seconded by
Brigadier General Putnam, "assuring him that the officers reciprocated
his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the
human heart is capable," was unanimously voted. On the motion of
General Putnam, a committee consisting of General Knox, Colonel
Brooks, and Captain Howard was then appointed, to prepare resolutions
on the business before them, and to report in half an hour. The report
of the committee being brought in and considered, the following
resolutions were passed.
"Resolved unanimously, that at the commencement of the present war,
the officers of the American army engaged in the service of their
country from the purest love and attachment to the rights and
privileges of human nature; which motives still exist in the highest
degree; and that no circumstances of distress or danger shall induce a
conduct that may tend to sully the reputation and glory which they
have acquired at the price of their blood, and eight years faithful
services.
"Resolved unanimously, that the army continue to have an unshaken
confidence in the justice of congress and their country, and are fully
convinced that the representatives of America will not disband or
disperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, the balances
accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for payment;
and in this arrangement, the officers expect that the half pay, or a
commutation for it, shall be efficaciously comprehended.
"Resolved unanimously, that his excellency the Commander-in-chief, be
requested to write to his excellency the president of congress,
earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of that honourable body
upon the subject of our late address, which was forwarded by a
committee of the army, some of whom are waiting upon congress for the
result. In the alternative of peace or war, this event would be highly
satisfactory, and would produce immediate tranquillity in the minds of
the army, and prevent any farther machinations of designing men, to
sow discord between the civil and military powers of the United
States.
"On motion, resolved unanimously, that the officers of the American
army view with abhorrence and reject with disdain, the infamous
propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of
the army, and resent with indignation the secret attempts of some
unknown person to collect the officers together in a manner totally
subversive of all discipline and good order.
"Resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the officers of the army be
given to the committee who presented to congress the late address of
the army; for the wisdom and prudence with which they have conducted
that business; and that a copy of the proceedings of this day be
transmitted by the president to Major General M'Dougal; and that he be
requested to continue his solicitations at congress until the objects
of his mission are accomplished."
The storm which had been raised so suddenly and unexpectedly being
thus happily dissipated, the Commander-in-chief exerted all his
influence in support of the application the officers had made to
congress. The following letter, written by him on the occasion, will
show that he was not impelled to this measure by the engagements he
had entered into more strongly than by his feelings.
"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the
officers, which I have the honour of enclosing to your excellency for
the inspection of congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as
the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by
men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not
only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title
to the gratitude of their country.
"Having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with
perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes,
being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those
who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully, suffered and fought
under my direction; having from motives of justice, duty, and
gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their
rights; and having been requested to write to your excellency,
earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of congress upon the
subjects of the late address from the army to that honourable body; it
now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to
intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power will
be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the
confidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country.
"And here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while I am
pleading the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than
any other army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of
human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample
compensation for their meritorious services, because they are
perfectly known to the whole world, and because (although the topics
are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject. To
prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been
uniform, and to show what my ideas of the rewards in question have
always been, I appeal to the archives of congress, and call on those
sacred deposites to witness for me. And in order that my observations
and arguments in favour of a future adequate provision for the
officers of the army may be brought to remembrance again, and
considered in a single point of view, without giving congress the
trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg leave to
transmit herewith an extract from a representation made by me to a
committee of congress, so long ago as the 20th of January, 1778, and
also the transcript of a letter to the president of congress, dated
near Passaic falls, October the 11th, 1780.
"That in the critical and perilous moment when the last mentioned
communication was made, there was the utmost danger a dissolution of
the army would have taken place unless measures similar to those
recommended had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the
adoption of the resolution granting half pay for life has been
attended with all the happy consequences I foretold, so far as
respected the good of the service, let the astonishing contrast
between the state of the army at this instant and at the former
period, determine. And that the establishment of funds, and security
of the payment of all the just demands of the army, will be the most
certain means of preserving the national faith, and future
tranquillity of this extensive continent, is my decided opinion.
"By the preceding remarks, it will readily be imagined that, instead
of retracting and reprehending (from farther experience and
reflection) the mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the
enclosures, I am more and more confirmed in the sentiment; and if in
the wrong, suffer me to please myself in the grateful delusion. For
if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a farther compensation
is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have
I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not merited whatever a
grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice,
and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not in
the event perform every thing which has been requested in the late
memorial to congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope
that has been excited void of foundation. 'And if (as has been
suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) the officers of
the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; if, retiring
from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and
contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and
owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto
been spent in honour,' then shall I have learned what ingratitude is;
then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment of
my future life.
"But I am under no such apprehensions. A country rescued by their arms
from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.
"Should any intemperate and improper warmth have mingled itself among
the foregoing observations, I must entreat your excellency and
congress that it may be attributed to the effusions of an honest zeal
in the best of causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my
apology; and I hope I need not, on this momentous occasion, make any
new protestations of disinterestedness, having ever renounced for
myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of having
attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of my
country, will be a sufficient recompense for my services."
{March 24.}
[Sidenote: Peace concluded.]
{April 19.}
These proceedings of the army produced a concurrence of nine states in
favour of a resolution commuting the half pay into a sum in gross
equal to five years full pay; immediately after the passage of which,
the fears still entertained in America that the war might continue,
were dissipated by a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, announcing
a general peace. This intelligence, though not official, was certain;
and orders were immediately issued, recalling all armed vessels
cruising under the authority of the United States. Early in April, the
copy of a declaration published in Paris, and signed by the American
commissioners, announcing the exchange of ratifications of the
preliminary articles between Great Britain and France, was received;
and on the 19th of that month, the cessation[15] of hostilities was
proclaimed.
[Footnote 15: See note, No. I. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: Measures for disbanding the army.]
The attention of congress might now be safely turned to the reduction
of the army. This, in the empty state of the treasury, was a critical
operation. In addition to the anxieties which the officers would
naturally feel respecting their provision for the future, which of
necessity remained unsecured, large arrears of pay were due to them,
the immediate receipt of part of which was required by the most urgent
wants. To disband an army to which the government was greatly
indebted, without furnishing the individuals who composed it with the
means of conveyance to their respective homes, was a perilous measure;
and congress was unable to advance the pay of a single month.
Although eight millions had been required for the year 1782, the
payments into the public treasury had amounted to only four hundred
and twenty thousand and thirty-one dollars, and twenty-nine
ninetieths; and the foreign loans had not been sufficient to defray
expenses it was impossible to avoid, at the close of that year, the
expenditures of the superintendent of the finances had exceeded his
receipts four hundred and four thousand seven hundred and thirteen
dollars and nine ninetieths; and the excess continued to increase
rapidly.
Congress urged the states to comply so far with the requisitions as to
enable the superintendent of the finances to advance a part of the
arrears due to the soldiers; but, as the foreign danger diminished,
they became still less attentive to these demands; and the financier
was under the necessity of making farther anticipations of the
revenue. Measures were taken to advance three months pay in his notes;
but, before they could be prepared, orders were issued for complying
with a resolution of Congress for granting unlimited furloughs to the
non-commissioned officers and privates who were engaged to serve
during the war. These orders produced a serious alarm. The generals,
and officers commanding regiments and corps cantoned on the Hudson,
assembled, and presented an address to the Commander-in-chief, in
which the most ardent affection to his person, and confidence in his
attachment to the interests of the army, were mingled with expressions
of profound duty and respect for the government. But they declared
that, after the late explanation on their claims, they had confidently
expected that their accounts would be liquidated, the balances
ascertained, and adequate funds for the payment of those balances
provided, before they should be dispersed or disbanded.
Bound to the army by the strongest ties of affection and gratitude,
intimately convinced of the justice of their claims, and of the
patriotic principles by which they were influenced, the General was
induced by sentiment not less than by prudence, to regard this
application. He returned an answer, on the succeeding day, in which,
after declaring "that as no man could possibly be better acquainted
than himself with the past merits and services of the army, so no one
could possibly be more strongly impressed with their present
ineligible situation; feel a keener sensibility at their distresses;
or more ardently desire to alleviate or remove them." He added,
"although the officers of the army very well know my official
situation, that I am only a servant of the public, and that it is not
for me to dispense with orders which it is my duty to carry into
execution, yet as furloughs in all services are considered as a matter
of indulgence, and not of compulsion; as congress, I am persuaded,
entertain the best disposition towards the army; and as I apprehend in
a very short time, the two principal articles of complaint will be
removed; until the farther pleasure of congress can be known, I shall
not hesitate to comply with the wishes of the army, under these
reservations only, that officers sufficient to conduct the men who
choose to receive furloughs, will attend them, either on furlough or
by detachment."
This answer satisfied the officers. The utmost good temper was
manifested; and the arrangements for retiring on furlough were made
without a murmur. In the course of the summer, a considerable
proportion of the troops enlisted for three years were also permitted
to return to their homes; and, in October, a proclamation was issued
by congress, declaring all those who had engaged for the war to be
discharged on the third of December.
[Illustration: The Long Room in Fraunces' Tavern, New York City
_It was here that Washington took formal leave of his officers,
preparatory to resigning his commission as Commander-in-Chief of the
Continental Army. Controlling his emotion with difficulty, the General
arose, at the conclusion of a light repast, and proposed the following
health: "With a heart full of love and gratitude I must now take my
leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as
prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and
honorable." The toast was drunk in silence, and Washington added: "I
cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to
you if each will come and take me by the hand."_]
[Sidenote: Mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania line.]
While these excellent dispositions were manifested by the veterans
serving under the immediate eye of their patriot chief, the government
was exposed to insult and outrage from the mutinous spirit of a small
party of new levies. About eighty men of this description belonging to
Pennsylvania, were stationed at Lancaster. Revolting against the
authority of their officers, they marched in a body to Philadelphia,
with the avowed purpose of obtaining redress of their grievances from
the executive council of the state. The march of these insolent
mutineers was not obstructed; and, after arriving in Philadelphia,
their numbers were augmented by the junction of some troops quartered
in the barracks. They then marched in military parade, with fixed
bayonets, to the state-house, in which congress and the executive
council of the state were sitting; and, after placing sentinels at the
doors, sent in a written message, threatening the executive of the
state with the vengeance of an enraged soldiery, if their demands were
not gratified in twenty minutes. Although these threats were not
directed particularly against congress, the government of the union
was grossly insulted, and those who administered it were blockaded for
several hours by licentious soldiers. After remaining in this
situation about three hours, the members separated, having agreed to
reassemble at Princeton.
On receiving information of this outrage, the Commander-in-chief
detached fifteen hundred men under the command of Major General Howe,
to suppress the mutiny. His indignation at this insult to the civil
authority, and his mortification at this misconduct of any portion of
the American troops, were strongly marked in his letter to the
president of congress.
"While," said he, "I suffer the most poignant distress in observing
that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in
point of service, (if the veteran troops from the southward have not
been seduced by their example,) and who are not worthy to be called
soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country as the
Pennsylvania mutineers have done by insulting the sovereign authority
of the United States, and that of their own, I feel an inexpressible
satisfaction, that even this behaviour can not stain the name of the
American soldiery. It can not be imputed to, or reflect dishonour on,
the army at large; but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking
contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the
most advantageous point of light. Upon taking all the circumstances
into consideration, I can not sufficiently express my surprise and
indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the
mutineers; nor can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery,
and patriotism, which must forever signalize the unsullied character
of the other corps of our army. For when we consider that these
Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiers
of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the war, and who
can have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we at
the same time recollect that those soldiers, who have lately been
furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured
hunger, nakedness, and cold; who have suffered and bled without a
murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes,
without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in
their pockets; we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the
latter, as we are struck with horror and detestation at the
proceedings of the former, and every candid mind, without indulging
ill-grounded prejudices, will undoubtedly make the proper
discrimination."