The Life of George Washington, Vol. 4 (of 5)
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[Sidenote: The causes which led to a change of the government of the
United States.]
While General Washington thus devoted a great part of his time to
rural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and to institutions of
public utility, the political state of his country, becoming daily
more embarrassed, attracted more and more deeply the anxious
solicitude of every enlightened and virtuous patriot. From peace, from
independence, and from governments of their own choice, the United
States had confidently anticipated every blessing. The glorious
termination of their contest with one of the most powerful nations of
the earth; the steady and persevering courage with which that contest
had been maintained; and the unyielding firmness with which the
privations attending it had been supported, had surrounded the infant
republics with a great degree of splendour, and had bestowed upon them
a character which could be preserved only by a national and dignified
system of conduct. A very short time was sufficient to demonstrate,
that something not yet possessed was requisite, to insure the public
and private prosperity expected to flow from self government. After a
short struggle so to administer the existing system, as to make it
competent to the great objects for which it was instituted, the effort
became apparently desperate; and American affairs were impelled
rapidly to a crisis, on which the continuance of the United States, as
a nation, appeared to depend.
In tracing the causes which led to this interesting state of things,
it will be necessary to carry back our attention to the conclusion of
the war.
A government authorized to declare war, but relying on independent
states for the means of prosecuting it; capable of contracting debts,
and of pledging the public faith for their payment, but depending on
thirteen distinct sovereignties for the preservation of that faith,
could not be rescued from ignominy and contempt, but by finding those
sovereignties administered by men exempt from the passions incident to
human nature.
The debts of the union were computed, on the first of January, 1783,
at somewhat more than forty millions of dollars. "If," say congress,
in an address to the states, urging that the means of payment should
be placed in their hands, "other motives than that of justice could be
requisite on this occasion, no nation could ever feel stronger; for to
whom are the debts to be paid?
"_To an ally_, in the first place, who to the exertion of his arms in
support of our cause has added the succours of his treasure; who to
his important loans has added liberal donations, and whose loans
themselves carry the impression of his magnanimity and friendship.
"_To individuals in a foreign country_, in the next place, who were
the first to give so precious a token of their confidence in our
justice, and of their friendship for our cause, and who are members of
a republic which was second in espousing our rank among nations.
"Another class of creditors is, that _illustrious and patriotic band of
fellow citizens_, whose blood and whose bravery have defended the
liberties of their country, who have patiently borne, among other
distresses, the privation of their stipends, whilst the distresses of
their country disabled it from bestowing them: and who, even now, ask
for no more than such a portion of their dues, as will enable them to
retire from the field of victory and glory, into the bosom of peace
and private citizenship, and for such effectual security for the
residue of their claims, as their country is now unquestionably able
to provide.
"The remaining class of creditors is composed partly of such of our
fellow citizens as originally lent to the public the use of their
funds, or have since manifested most confidence in their country, by
receiving transfers from the lenders; and partly of those whose
property has been either advanced or assumed for the public service.
To discriminate the merits of these several descriptions of creditors,
would be a task equally unnecessary and invidious. If the voice of
humanity plead more loudly in favour of some than of others, the voice
of policy, no less than of justice, pleads in favour of all. A wise
nation will never permit those who relieve the wants of their country,
or who rely most on its faith, its firmness, and its resources, when
either of them is distrusted, to suffer by the event."
In a government constituted like that of the United States, it would
readily be expected that great contrariety of sentiment would prevail,
respecting the principles on which its affairs should be conducted. It
has been already stated that the continent was divided into two great
political parties, the one of which contemplated America as a nation,
and laboured incessantly to invest the federal head with powers
competent to the preservation of the union. The other attached itself
to the state government, viewed all the powers of congress with
jealousy, and assented reluctantly to measures which would enable the
head to act, in any respect, independently of the members. Men of
enlarged and liberal minds who, in the imbecility of a general
government, by which alone the capacities of the nation could be
efficaciously exerted, could discern the imbecility of the nation
itself; who, viewing the situation of the world, could perceive the
dangers to which these young republics were exposed, if not held
together by a cement capable of preserving a beneficial connexion; who
felt the full value of national honour, and the full obligation of
national faith; and who were persuaded of the insecurity of both, if
resting for their preservation on the concurrence of thirteen distinct
sovereigns; arranged themselves generally in the first party. The
officers of the army, whose local prejudices had been weakened by
associating with each other, and whose experience had furnished
lessons on the inefficacy of requisitions which were not soon to be
forgotten, threw their weight almost universally into the same scale.
The other party, if not more intelligent, was more numerous, and more
powerful. It was sustained by prejudices and feelings which grew
without effort, and gained strength from the intimate connexions
subsisting between a state and its citizens. It required a concurrence
of extrinsic circumstances to force on minds unwilling to receive the
demonstration, a conviction of the necessity of an effective national
government, and to give even a temporary ascendency to that party
which had long foreseen and deplored the crisis to which the affairs
of the United States were hastening.
Sensible that the character of the government would be decided, in a
considerable degree, by the measures which should immediately follow
the treaty of peace, gentlemen of the first political abilities and
integrity sought a place in the congress of 1783. Combining their
efforts for the establishment of principles on which the honour and
the interest of the nation were believed to depend, they exerted all
their talents to impress on the several states, the necessity of
conferring on the government of the union, powers which might be
competent to its preservation, and which would enable it to comply
with the engagements it had formed. With unwearied perseverance they
digested and obtained the assent of congress to a system, which,
though unequal to what their wishes would have prepared, or their
judgments have approved, was believed to be the best that was
attainable. The great object in view was, "to restore and support
public credit," to effect which it was necessary, "to obtain from the
states substantial funds for funding the whole debt of the United
States."
The committee[26] to whom this interesting subject was referred,
reported sundry resolutions, recommending it to the several states, to
vest in congress permanent and productive funds adequate to the
immediate payment of the interest on the national debt, and to the
gradual extinction of the principal. A change in the rule by which the
proportions of the different states were to be ascertained, was also
recommended. In lieu of that article of the confederation which
apportions on them the sums required for the public treasury,
according to the value of their located lands with the improvements
thereon, it was proposed to substitute another more capable of
execution, which should make the population of each state the measure
of its contribution.[27]
[Footnote 26: Mr. Fitzsimmons, and Mr. Rutledge.]
[Footnote 27: On a subsequent occasion, an attempt was made
to obtain a resolution of congress, recommending as an
additional amendment to the eighth article of the
confederation, that the taxes for the use of the continent
should be laid and levied separate from any other tax, and
should be paid directly into the national treasury; and that
the collectors respectively should be liable to an execution
to be issued by the treasurer, or his deputy, under the
direction of congress, for any arrears of taxes by him to be
collected, which should not be paid into the treasury in
conformity with the requisitions of congress.
Such was the prevalence of state policy, even in the
government of the union, or such the conviction of the
inutility of recommending such an amendment, that a vote of
congress could not be obtained for asking this salutary
regulation as a security for the revenue only for eight
years.]
To the application which congress had made during the war for power to
levy an impost of five per cent on imported and prize goods, one state
had never assented, and another had withdrawn the assent it had
previously given.
It was impossible to yield to some of the objections which had been
made to this measure, because they went to the certain destruction of
the system itself; but in points where the alterations demanded,
though mischievous, were not fatal to the plan, it was thought
adviseable to accommodate the recommendations of the government to the
prejudices which had been disclosed. It had been insisted that the
power of appointing persons to collect the duties, would enable
congress to introduce into a state, officers unknown and unaccountable
to the government thereof; and that a power to collect an indefinite
sum for an indefinite time, for the expenditure of which that body
could not be accountable to the states, would render it independent of
its constituents, and would be dangerous to liberty. To obviate these
objections, the proposition now made was so modified, that the grant
was to be limited to twenty-five years; was to be strictly
appropriated to the debt contracted on account of the war; and was to
be collected by persons to be appointed by the respective states.
After a debate, which the tedious mode of conducting business
protracted for several weeks, the report was adopted; and a committee,
consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Ellsworth, was
appointed to prepare an address, which should accompany the
recommendation to the several states.
After a full explanation of the principles on which the system had
been framed, this address proceeds:--"The plan thus communicated and
explained by congress, must now receive its fate from their
constituents. All the objects comprised in it are conceived to be of
great importance to the happiness of this confederated republic, are
necessary to render the fruits of the revolution a full reward for the
blood, the toils, the cares and the calamities which have purchased
it. But the object of which the necessity will be peculiarly felt, and
which it is peculiarly the duty of congress to inculcate, is the
provision recommended for the national debt. Although this debt is
greater than could have been wished, it is still less on the whole
than could have been expected; and when referred to the cause in which
it has been incurred, and compared with the burthens which wars of
ambition and of vain glory have entailed on other nations, ought to be
borne not only with cheerfulness but with pride. But the magnitude of
the debt makes no part of the question. It is sufficient that the debt
has been fairly contracted, and that justice and good faith demand
that it should be fully discharged. Congress had no option but between
different modes of discharging it. The same option is the only one
that can exist with the states. The mode which has, after long and
elaborate discussion, been preferred, is, we are persuaded, the least
objectionable of any that would have been equal to the purpose. Under
this persuasion, we call upon the justice and plighted faith of the
several states to give it its proper effect, to reflect on the
consequences of rejecting it, and to remember that congress will not
be answerable for them."
After expatiating on the merits of the several creditors, the report
concludes, "let it be remembered finally, that it ever has been the
pride and boast of America, that the rights for which she contended,
were the rights of human nature. By the blessing of the Author of
these rights, on the means exerted for their defence, they have
prevailed against all opposition, and formed the basis of thirteen
independent states. No instance has heretofore occurred, nor can any
instance be expected hereafter to occur, in which the unadulterated
forms of republican government can pretend to so fair an opportunity
of justifying themselves by their fruits. In this view, the citizens
of the United States are responsible for the greatest trust ever
confided to a political society. If justice, good faith, honour,
gratitude, and all the other good qualities which ennoble the
character of a nation, and fulfil the ends of government, be the
fruits of our establishments, the cause of liberty will acquire a
dignity and lustre which it has never yet enjoyed; and an example will
be set, which can not but have the most favourable influence on the
rights of mankind. If, on the other side, our governments should be
unfortunately blotted with the reverse of these cardinal and essential
virtues, the great cause which we have engaged to vindicate will be
dishonoured and betrayed; the last and fairest experiment in favour of
the rights of human nature will be turned against them, and their
patrons and friends exposed to be insulted and silenced by the
votaries of tyranny and usurpation."
For the complete success of the plan recommended by congress, no
person felt more anxious solicitude than General Washington. Of the
vital importance of UNION, no man could be more entirely persuaded;
and of the obligations of the government to its creditors, no man
could feel a stronger conviction. His conspicuous station had rendered
him peculiarly sensible to their claims; and he had unavoidably been
personally instrumental in the creation of a part of them. All the
feelings of his heart were deeply engaged in the payment of some of
the creditors, and that high sense of national honour, of national
justice, and of national faith, of which elevated minds endowed with
integrity can never be divested, impelled him to take a strong
interest in the security of all. Availing himself of the usage of
communicating on national subjects with the state governments, and of
the opportunity, which his approaching resignation of the command of
the army gave, impressively to convey his sentiments to them, he had
determined to employ all the influence which the circumstances of his
life had created, in a solemn recommendation of measures, on which he
believed the happiness and prosperity of his country to depend. On the
eighth of June, 1783, he addressed to the governors of the several
states respectively, the paternal and affectionate letter which
follows.
[Sidenote: Letters of General Washington to the governors of the
several states.]
"Sir,
"The great object for which I had the honour to hold an appointment in
the service of my country being accomplished, I am now preparing to
resign it into the hands of congress, and to return to that domestic
retirement which, it is well known, I left with the greatest
reluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh through
a long and painful absence, and in which (remote from the noise and
trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life in a
state of undisturbed repose. But before I carry this resolution into
effect, I think it a duty incumbent upon me, to make this my last
official communication; to congratulate you on the glorious events
which heaven has been pleased to produce in our favour; to offer my
sentiments respecting some important subjects which appear to me to be
intimately connected with the tranquillity of the United States: to
take my leave of your excellency as a public character: and to give my
final blessing to that country in whose service I have spent the prime
of my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and
watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will
always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own.
"Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, I
will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the
subjects of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude of
the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and
the favourable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the
greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme
that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal
mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as the source
of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness: and we shall
have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which
Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a
political, or moral point of light.
"The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as
the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent,
comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and
abounding with all the necessaries and conveniencies of life, are now,
by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of
absolute freedom and independency. They are from this period, to be
considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to
be peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of human
greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every
thing which can contribute to the completion of private and domestic
enjoyment; but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a
fairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has
ever been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these observations
more forcibly, than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times
and circumstances, under which our republic assumed its rank among the
nations. The foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy age
of ignorance and superstition, but at an epoch when the rights of
mankind were better understood, and more clearly defined, than at any
former period. The researches of the human mind after social happiness
have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge
acquired by the labours of philosophers, sages, and legislators,
through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use; and
their collected wisdom may be happily employed in the establishment of
our forms of government. The free cultivation of letters; the
unbounded extension of commerce; the progressive refinement of
manners; the growing liberality of sentiment; and above all, the pure
and benign light of revelation; have had a meliorating influence on
mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious
period, the United States came into existence as a nation; and if
their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will
be entirely their own.
"Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But
notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us;
notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize
the occasion, and make it our own; yet, it appears to me, there is an
option still left to the United States of America; that it is in their
choice, and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be
respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation.
This is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when
the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment
to establish or ruin their national character forever; this is the
favourable moment to give such a tone to our federal government, as
will enable it to answer the ends of its institution, or this may be
the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union,
annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to
become the sport of European politics, which may play one state
against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve
their own interested purposes. For according to the system of policy
the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by
their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the
revolution must ultimately be considered a blessing or a curse:--a
blessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for with our fate
will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.
"With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence
in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your excellency the
language of freedom and of sincerity, without disguise. I am aware,
however, that those who differ from me in political sentiment, may
perhaps remark that I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty,
and may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is
alone the result of the purest intentions. But the rectitude of my own
heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto
acted in life; the determination I have formed of not taking any share
in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shall
continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private life, after all
the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government: will,
I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my countrymen, that I could
have no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve the
opinions contained in this address.
"There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the
well being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United
States as an independent power.
1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head.
2d. A sacred regard to public justice.
3d. The adoption of a proper peace establishment, and,
4th. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition, among
the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget
their local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual concessions
which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances,
to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the
community.
"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our
independency and national character must be supported. Liberty is the
basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the
structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will
merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can
be inflicted by his injured country.
"On the three first articles, I will make a few observations, leaving
the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those
immediately concerned.
"Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for
me, in this place, to enter into a particular disquisition of the
principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has
frequently been agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for
the states to delegate a larger proportion of power to congress or
not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot,
to assert without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions:
that unless the states will suffer congress to exercise those
prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the constitution,
every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion: that it
is indispensable to the happiness of the individual states, that there
should be lodged somewhere a supreme power to regulate and govern the
general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the union
can not be of long duration: that there must be a faithful and pointed
compliance, on the part of every state, with the late proposals and
demands of congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue: that
whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the union, or contribute
to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered
as hostile to the liberty and independence of America, and the authors
of them treated accordingly: and lastly, that unless we can be
enabled, by the concurrence of the states, to participate of the
fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil
society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so
happily guarded against the danger of oppression as has been devised
and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject of
regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no
purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a
compensation; and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many
other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an
entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we can not exist as an
independent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to mention one
or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our
united character that we are known as an empire, that our independence
is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit
supported among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers
with the United States of America, will have no validity on a
dissolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of
nature, or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a
natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the
extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily
established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.