The Life of George Washington, Vol. 5 (of 5)
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[Footnote 35: Previous to the reception of the account of
this order, the opinion of the secretary had been in favour
of ratifying the treaty.]
[Sidenote: The treaty unpopular in the United States.]
The President was most probably determined to adopt this course by the
extreme intemperance with which the treaty was opposed, and the rapid
progress which this violence was apparently making. It was obvious
that, unless this temper could be checked, it would soon become so
extensive, and would arrive at such a point of fury, as to threaten
dangerous consequences. It was obviously necessary either to attempt a
diminution of its action by rendering its exertions hopeless, and by
giving to the treaty the weight of his character and influence, or to
determine ultimately to yield to it. A species of necessity therefore
seems to have been created for abandoning the idea, if it was ever
taken up, of making the ratification of the treaty dependent on the
revocation of the provision order.
The soundness of the policy which urged this decisive measure was
proved by the event. The confidence which was felt in the judgment and
virtue of the chief magistrate, induced many, who, swept away by the
popular current, had yielded to the common prejudices, to re-examine,
and discard opinions which had been too hastily embraced; and many
were called forth by a desire to support the administration in
measures actually adopted, to take a more active part in the general
contest than they would otherwise have pursued. The consequence was,
that more moderate opinions respecting the treaty began to prevail.
In a letter from Mount Vernon of the 20th of September, addressed to
General Knox, who had communicated to him the change of opinion which
was appearing in the eastern states, the President expressed in warm
terms the pleasure derived from that circumstance, and added: "Next to
a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me
the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification
of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being secondary, I can
not make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible
than partial (if they are not party) meetings can be discovered as the
touchstone of public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the
great power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in
political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe
would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I
remain a servant of the public. But as I have hitherto found no better
guide than upright intentions, and close investigation, I shall adhere
to them while I keep the watch, leaving it to those who will come
after me, to explore new ways, if they like, or think them better."
[Sidenote: Charge against the president rejected.]
If the ratification of the treaty increased the number of its open
advocates, it seemed also to give increased acrimony to the
opposition. Such hold had the President taken of the affections of the
people, that even his enemies had deemed it generally necessary to
preserve, with regard to him, external marks of decency and respect.
Previous to the mission of Mr. Jay, charges against the chief
magistrate, though frequently insinuated, had seldom been directly
made; and the cover under which the attacks upon his character were
conducted, evidenced the caution with which it was deemed necessary to
proceed. That mission visibly affected the decorum which had been
usually observed towards him; and the ratification of the treaty
brought sensations into open view, which had long been ill concealed.
His military and political character was attacked with equal violence,
and it was averred that he was totally destitute of merit, either as a
soldier, or a statesman. The calumnies with which he was assailed were
not confined to his public conduct; even his qualities as a man were
the subjects of detraction. That he had violated the constitution in
negotiating a treaty without the previous advice of the senate, and in
embracing within that treaty subjects belonging exclusively to the
legislature, was openly maintained, for which an impeachment was
publicly suggested; and that he had drawn from the treasury for his
private use, more than the salary annexed to his office, was asserted
without a blush.[36] This last allegation was said to be supported by
extracts from the treasury accounts which had been laid before the
legislature, and was maintained with the most persevering effrontery.
[Footnote 36: See the Aurora from August to December, 1795.
See, in particular, a series of essays, signed "A Calm
Observer," published from the 23d of October to the 5th of
November, 1795.]
Though the secretary of the treasury denied that the appropriations
made by the legislature had ever been exceeded, the atrocious charge
was still confidently repeated; and the few who could triumph in any
spot which might tarnish the lustre of Washington's fame, felicitated
themselves on the prospect of obtaining a victory over the reputation
of a patriot, to whose single influence, they ascribed the failure of
their political plans. With the real public, the confidence felt in
the integrity of the chief magistrate remained unshaken; but so
imposing was the appearance of the documents adduced, as to excite an
apprehension that the transaction might be placed in a light to show
that some indiscretion, in which he had not participated, had been
inadvertently committed.
This state of anxious suspense was of short duration. The late
secretary of the treasury, during whose administration of the finances
this peculation was said to have taken place, came forward with a full
explanation of the fact. It appeared that the President himself had
never touched any part of the compensation annexed to his office, but
that the whole was received, and disbursed, by the gentleman who
superintended the expenses of his household. That it was the practice
of the treasury, when a sum had been appropriated for the current
year, to pay it to that gentleman occasionally, as the situation of
the family might require. The expenses at some periods of the year
exceeded, and at others fell short of the allowance for the quarter;
so that at some times money was paid in advance on account of the
ensuing quarter, and at others, that which was due at the end of the
quarter was not completely drawn out. The secretary entered into an
examination of the constitution and laws to show that this practice
was justifiable, and illustrated his arguments by many examples in
which an advance on account of money appropriated to a particular
object, before the service was completed, would be absolutely
necessary. However this might be, it was a transaction in which the
President personally was unconcerned.[37]
[Footnote 37: Gazette of the United States, 16th November,
1795.]
When possessed of the entire fact, the public viewed, with just
indignation, this attempt to defame a character which was the nation's
pride. Americans felt themselves involved in this atrocious calumny on
their most illustrious citizen; and its propagators were frowned into
silence.
[Sidenote: Mr. Randolph resigns. Is succeeded by Colonel Pickering.]
[Sidenote: Colonel McHenry appointed secretary of war.]
On the 19th of August, the secretary of state had resigned[38] his
place in the administration, and some time elapsed before a successor
was appointed.[39] At length, Colonel Pickering was removed to the
department of state, and Mr. M'Henry, a gentleman who had served in
the family of General Washington, and in the congress prior to the
establishment of the existing constitution, was appointed to the
department of war. By the death of Mr. Bradford, a vacancy was also
produced in the office of attorney general, which was filled by Mr.
Lee, a gentleman of considerable eminence at the bar, and in the
legislature of Virginia.
[Footnote 38: See note No. XII. at the end of the volume.]
[Footnote 39: See note No. XIII. at the end of the volume.]
Many of those embarrassments in which the government, from its
institution, had been involved, were now ended, or approaching their
termination.
The opposition to the laws, which had so long been made in the western
counties of Pennsylvania, existed no longer.
[Sidenote: Treaty with the Indians north-west of the Ohio.]
On the third of August, a definitive treaty was concluded by General
Wayne with the hostile Indians north-west of the Ohio, by which the
destructive and expensive war which had long desolated that frontier,
was ended in a manner perfectly agreeable to the United States. An
accommodation had taken place with the powerful tribes of the south
also; and to preserve peace in that quarter, it was only necessary to
invest the executive with the means of restraining the incursions
which the disorderly inhabitants of the southern frontier frequently
made into the Indian territory; incursions, of which murder was often
the consequence.
Few subjects had excited more feeling among the people, or in the
government of the United States, than the captivity of their fellow
citizens in Algiers. Even this calamity had been seized as a weapon
which might be wielded with some effect against the President.
Overlooking the exertions he had made for the attainment of peace, and
the liberation of the American captives; and regardless of his
inability to aid negotiation by the exhibition of force, the
discontented ascribed the long and painful imprisonment of their
unfortunate brethren to a carelessness in the administration
respecting their sufferings, and to that inexhaustible source of
accusation,--its policy with regard to France and Britain.
[Sidenote: Treaty with Algiers.]
After the failure of several attempts to obtain a peace with the
regency of Algiers, a treaty was, at length, negotiated on terms
which, though disadvantageous, were the best that could be obtained.
The exertions of the executive to settle the controversy with Spain
respecting boundary, and to obtain the free use of the Mississippi,
had been unavailing. A negotiation in which Mr. Short and Mr.
Carmichael were employed at Madrid, had been protracted by artificial
delays on the part of the Spanish cabinet, until those ministers had
themselves requested that the commission should be terminated.
[Sidenote: Treaty with Spain.]
At length, Spain, embarrassed by the war in which she was engaged,
discovered symptoms of a temper more inclined to conciliation, and
intimated to the secretary of state, through her commissioners at
Philadelphia, that a minister, deputed on the special occasion, of
higher rank than Mr. Short, who was a resident, would be able to
expedite the negotiation. On receiving this intimation, the President,
though retaining a high and just confidence in Mr. Short, nominated
Mr. Pinckney, in November, 1794, as envoy extraordinary to his
Catholic Majesty. Mr. Pinckney repaired in the following summer to
Madrid, and a treaty was concluded on the 20th of October, in which
the claims of the United States, on the important points of boundary,
and the Mississippi, were fully conceded.
Thus were adjusted, so far as depended on the executive, all those
external difficulties with which the United States had long struggled;
most of which had originated before the establishment of the existing
government, and some of which portended calamities that no common
share of prudence could have averted.
[Sidenote: Meeting of Congress.]
Although the signature of the treaties with Spain and Algiers had not
been officially announced at the meeting of congress, the state of the
negotiations with both powers was sufficiently well understood to
enable the President with confidence to assure the legislature, in his
speech at the opening of the session, that those negotiations were in
a train which promised a happy issue.
[Sidenote: President's speech.]
After expressing his gratification at the prosperous state of American
affairs, the various favourable events which have been already
enumerated were detailed in a succinct statement, at the close of
which he mentioned the British treaty, which, though publicly known,
had not before been communicated officially to the house of
representatives.
"This interesting summary of our affairs," continued the speech, "with
regard to the powers between whom and the United States controversies
have subsisted; and with regard also to our Indian neighbours with
whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a
wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. If by prudence
and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of
external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on
terms compatible with our national faith and honour, shall be the
happy results,--how firm and how precious a foundation will have been
laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of
our country."
After presenting an animated picture of the situation of the United
States, and recommending several objects to the attention of the
legislature, the President concluded with observing: "Temperate
discussion of the important subjects that may arise in the course of
the session, and mutual forbearance where there is a difference in
opinion, are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and
welfare of our country, to need any recommendation of mine."
In the senate, an address was reported which echoed back the
sentiments of the speech.
In this house of representatives, as in the last, the party in
opposition to the administration had obtained a majority. This party
was unanimously hostile to the treaty with Great Britain; and it was
expected that their answer to the speech of the President would
indicate their sentiments on a subject which continued to agitate the
whole American people. The answer reported by the committee contained
a declaration, that the confidence of his fellow citizens in the chief
magistrate remained undiminished.
On a motion, to strike out the words importing this sentiment, it was
averred, that the clause asserted an untruth. It was not true that the
confidence of the people in the President was undiminished. By a
recent transaction it had been considerably impaired; and some
gentlemen declared that their own confidence in him was lessened.
By the friends of the administration, the motion was opposed with
great zeal, and the opinion that the confidence of the people in their
chief magistrate remained unshaken, was maintained with ardour. But
they were outnumbered.
To avoid a direct vote on the proposition, it was moved, that the
address should be recommitted. This motion succeeded, and, two members
being added to the committee, an answer was reported in which the
clause objected to was so modified as to be free from exception.
That part of the speech which mentioned the treaty with Great Britain
was alluded to in terms which, though not directly expressive of
disapprobation, were sufficiently indicative of the prevailing
sentiment.
Early in the month of January the President transmitted to both houses
of congress a message, accompanying certain communications from the
French government which were well calculated to cherish those ardent
feelings that prevailed in the legislature.
It was the fortune of Mr. Monroe to reach Paris, soon after the death
of Robespierre, and the fall of the Jacobins. On his reception as the
minister of the United States, which was public, and in the
convention, he gave free scope to the genuine feelings of his heart;
and, at the same time, delivered to the President of that body, with
his credentials, two letters addressed by the secretary of state to
the committee of public safety. These letters were answers to one
written by the committee of safety to the congress of the United
States. The executive department being the organ through which all
foreign intercourse was to be conducted, each branch of the
legislature had passed a resolution directing this letter to be
transmitted to the President, with a request, that he would cause it
to be answered in terms expressive of their friendly dispositions
towards the French republic.
So fervent were the sentiments expressed on this occasion, that the
convention decreed that the flag of the American and French republics
should be united together, and suspended in its own hall, in testimony
of eternal union and friendship between the two people. To evince the
impression made on his mind by this act, and the grateful sense of his
constituents, Mr. Monroe presented to the convention the flag of the
United States, which he prayed them to accept as a proof of the
sensibility with which his country received every act of friendship
from its ally, and of the pleasure with which it cherished every
incident which tended to cement and consolidate the union between the
two nations.
[Sidenote: Mr. Adet succeeds Mr. Fauchet.]
The committee of safety, disregarding the provisions of the American
constitution, although their attention must have been particularly
directed to them by the circumstance that the letter to congress was
referred by that body to the executive, again addressed the
legislature in terms adapted to that department of government which
superintends its foreign intercourse, and expressive, among other
sentiments, of the sensibility with which the French nation had
perceived those sympathetic emotions with which the American people
had viewed the vicissitudes of her fortune. Mr. Adet, who was to
succeed Mr. Fauchet at Philadelphia, and who was the bearer of this
letter, also brought with him the colours of France, which he was
directed to present to the United States. He arrived in the summer;
but probably in the idea that these communications were to be made by
him directly to congress, did not announce them to the executive until
late in December.
{1796}
The first day of the new year was named for their reception; when the
colours were delivered to the President, and the letter to congress
also was placed in his hands.
In executing this duty, Mr. Adet addressed a speech to the President,
which, in the glowing language of his country, represented France as
struggling, not only for her own liberty, but for that of the human
race. "Assimilated to, or rather identified with free people by the
form of her government, she saw in them," he said, "only friends and
brothers. Long accustomed to regard the American people as her most
faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in
the fields of America, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins
of tyranny."
To answer this speech was a task of some delicacy. It was necessary to
express feelings adapted to the occasion, without implying sentiments
with respect to the belligerent powers, which might be improper to be
used by the chief magistrate of a neutral country. With a view to both
these objects, the President made the following reply:
"Born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value;
having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word,
devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent
establishment in my own country; my anxious recollections, my
sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly attracted,
whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the
banners of freedom. But above all, the events of the French revolution
have produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest
admiration. To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common
praise. Wonderful people! Ages to come will read with astonishment the
history of your brilliant exploits. I rejoice that the period of your
toils, and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. I rejoice that
the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued
in the formation of a constitution,[40] designed to give permanency to
the great object for which you have contended. I rejoice that liberty,
which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm,--liberty, of which
you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the
bosom of a regularly organized government;--a government which, being
formed to secure the happiness of the French people, corresponds with
the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every
citizen of the United States by its resemblance to their own. On these
glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations.
[Footnote 40: Subsequent to the mission of Mr. Adet, but
previous to this time, the revolutionary government which
succeeded the abolition of monarchy had yielded to the
constitution of the republican form.]
"In delivering to you these sentiments, I express not my own feelings
only, but those of my fellow citizens in relation to the commencement,
the progress, and the issue of the French revolution: and they will
certainly join with me in purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the
citizens of our sister republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon
enjoy in peace, that liberty which they have purchased at so great a
price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow.
"I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs,
and of the infranchisements of your nation, the colours of France,
which you have now presented to the United States. The transaction
will be announced to congress, and the colours will be deposited with
the archives of the United States, which are at once the evidence and
the memorials of their freedom and independence; may these be
perpetual! and may the friendship of the two republics be commensurate
with their existence."
The address of Mr. Adet, the answer of the President, and the colours
of France, were transmitted to congress with the letter from the
committee of safety.
In the house of representatives a resolution was moved, requesting the
President to make known to the representatives of the French republic,
the sincere and lively sensations which were excited by this
honourable testimony of the existing sympathy and affections of the
two republics; that the house rejoiced in an opportunity of
congratulating the French republic on the brilliant and glorious
achievements accomplished during the present afflictive war; and hoped
that those achievements would be attended with a perfect attainment of
their object, the permanent establishment of the liberty and happiness
of that great and magnanimous people.
The letter to congress having come from the committee of safety,
which, under the revolutionary system, was the department that was
charged with foreign intercourse; and a constitution having been
afterwards adopted in France, by which an executive directory was
established, to which all the foreign relations of the government were
confided, an attempt was made to amend this resolution, by
substituting the directory for the representatives of the people. But
this attempt failed; after which the resolution passed unanimously.
In the senate also a resolution was offered, expressive of the
sensations of that house, and requesting the President to communicate
them to the proper organ of the French republic. An amendment was
moved to vary this resolution so as to express the sentiment to the
President, and omit the request that it should be communicated to the
French republic. The complimentary correspondence between the two
nations, had, it was said, reached a point, when, if ever, it ought to
close. This amendment, though strenuously combated by the opposition,
was adopted.
In February, the treaty with Great Britain was returned, in the form
advised by the senate, ratified by his Britannic Majesty. The
constitution declaring a treaty, when made, the supreme law of the
land, the President announced it officially to the people in a
proclamation, requiring from all persons its observance and execution;
a copy of which was transmitted to each house on the 1st of March.
The party which had obtained the majority in one branch of the
legislature, having openly denied the right of the President to
negotiate a treaty of commerce, was not a little dissatisfied at his
venturing to issue this proclamation before the sense of the house of
representatives had been declared on the obligation of the instrument.
[Sidenote: The house of representatives call upon the president for
papers relating to the treaty with Great Britain.]
This dissatisfaction was not concealed. On the 2d of March, Mr.
Livingston laid upon the table a resolution, requesting the President
"to lay before the house a copy of the instructions to the minister of
the United States, who negotiated the treaty with the king of Great
Britain, communicated by his message of the 1st of March, together
with the correspondence and other documents relative to the said
treaty."
On the 7th of March, he amended this resolution by adding the words,
"excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may
render improper to be disclosed."